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DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR 
U.  S.  GEOGRAPHICAL  AND  GEOLOGICAL  SURVEY  OF  THE  ROCKY  MOUNTAIN  REGION 

J.  W.  POWELL  ix  Charge 


A  STUDY 

OF  THE 

MANUSCRIPT  TROANO 

BY 


CYRUS  THOMAS  Ph.  D. 


WITH  AX 


INTRODUCTION  BY  D.  G.  BRINTON  M.  D. 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 
1882 


PREFACE 


I  am  fully  aware  that  this  paper  bears  the  marks  of  haste  and  gives 
evidence  of  the  fact  that  a  number  of  the  more  important  points  are  not 
worked  out  as  thoroughly  and  completely  as  they  might  have  been  had 
more  time  been  devoted  to  them.  But  the  growing  interest  in  the  public 
mind  in  reference  to  all  that  relates  to  the  past  history  of  our  continent  has 
induced  me  to  present  it  in  its  present  incomplete  form  rather  than  defer  its 
publication  to  an  indefinite  period  in  the  future.  It  is  therefore  offered  to 
the  public  more  as  a  tentative  work  than  with  the  expectation  that  all  my 
conclusions  will  stand  the  test  of  criticism. 

I  have  endeavored,  as  will  be  seen  by  an  examination  of  its  contents, 
to  confine  my  studies  as  strictly  as  possible  to  the  Manuscript  itself,  without 
being  influenced  in  my  conclusions  by  the  conclusions  of  others — using 
Landa’s  “Relation,”  Perez’s  “  Cronologia”  Brasseur’s  works,  and  the  Dresden 
Codex  as  my  chief  aids;  not  intending  by  any  means  to  ignore  the  valu¬ 
able  work  done  by  others  in  the  same  field,  but  that  I  might  remain  as  free 
as  possible  to  work  out  results  in  my  own  line  of  thought. 

I  may  also  add  that  at  the  time  the  main  portion  of  the  paper  was 
written  I  was  in  the  West,  out  of  reach  of  any  extensive  library  contain¬ 
ing  works  relating  to  the  history,  antiquities,  &c ,  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America.  This  fact  I  mention  as  an  apology  for  the  comparatively  few 
works  referred  to  in  the  paper. 

I  have  studied  the  Manuscript  somewhat  in  the  same  way  the  child 
undertakes  to  solve  an  illustrated  rebus,  assuming  as  a  standpoint  the  status 
of  the  semi-civilized  Indian,  and  endeavoring,  as  far  as  possible,  to  proceed 
upon  the  same  plane  of  thought.  In  other  words,  I  have  not  proceeded  upon 
the  assumption  that  the  pre-Columbian  Indians  of  Yucatan  were  learned  phi- 

III 


IV 


PREFACE. 


losophers,  thoroughly  versed  in  science  and  general  knowledge,  but  were 
Indians ,  who  through  some  influence,  whether  introduced  or  indigenous, 
had  made  considerable  advance  in  certain  lines  of  art  and  science.  But 
these  lines,  as  I  believe,  were  few  and  limited,  relating  chiefly  to  architect¬ 
ure,  sculpture,  painting,  and  the  computation  of  time. 

As  an  examination  of  the  Manuscript  soon  satisfied  me  that  it  was,  to 
a  great  extent,  a  kind  of  religious  calendar,  I  found  it  necessary  first  to  dis¬ 
cuss  the  Maya  chronological  system  in  order  to  make  use  of  the  numerous 
dates  found  in  the  work — a  fact  that  will  explain  why  so  many  pages  of  the 
first  part  of  the  paper  are  devoted  to  this  subject. 

The  results  of  my  investigations  are  summed  up  at  the  close  of  this 
preface.  I  find  the  work  consists  of  two  parts:  first,  a  calendar  giving  the 
dates  of  religious  festivals  running  through  a  long  period  of  time,  in  all 
probability  a  grand  cycle  of  three  hundred  and  twelve  years,  together  with 
brief  formulas;  second,  an  illustration  of  the  habits,  customs,  and  employ¬ 
ments  of  the  people.  But  these  two  subjects  are  mingled  together  through¬ 
out  the  Manuscript;  the  first  including  most  of  the  characters  or  hiero¬ 
glyphics  around  the  spaces;  the  second  the  figures  in  the  spaces. 

One  omission  in  my  paper  will  be  observed  by  those  who  are  familiar 
with  the  subject,  that  is,  the  failure  on  my  part  to  notice  and  account  for,  in 
the  Maya  chronological  system,  the  surplus  days  of  the  bissextile  years.  This 
omission  on  my  part  has  been  intentional.  I  can  find  no  plan  by  which  to 
insert  them  in  the  series,  numbering  them  as  the  others,  without  interfering 
with  that  order  which  is  essential  to  the  system  itself.  I  have  therefore 
proceeded  upon  the  assumption  that  they  are  added  as  uncounted  days,  and 
hence  interfere  in  no  way  with  the  regular  order.  If  I  am  mistaken  in  this 
conclusion,  considerable  modification  in  my  tabular  arrangement  of  the 
years  may  be  necessary,  even  though  the  general  plan  be  correct. 

A  very  serious  drawback  to  the  attempt  to  explain  the  written  char¬ 
acters  or  hieroglyphics  has  been  the  lack  on  my  part  of  a  knowledge  of  the 
•  Maya  language.  Such  a  knowledge  I  do  not  claim;  therefore,  in  this  part 
of  the  work,  the  best  I  could  do  was  to  quote  from  the  lexicons,  as  there 
given,  such  words  as  I  found  it  necessary  to  refer  to.  The  propriety  of 
attempting  anything  in  this  direction  without  this  knowledge  may  be  justly 


PREFACE. 


V 


questioned.  But  after  seriously  considering  this  point,  I  concluded  it  best 
to  give  to  the  world  the  result  of  my  investigations  with  these  explanations, 
as  I  felt  confident  I  had  made  some  progress  in  deciphering  this  mysterious 
Manuscript. 

I  take  this  opportunity  of  acknowledging  the  obligations  I  am  under 
to  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton,  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  valuable  notice  of  the  Maya 
Manuscripts  which  he  has  contributed  as  an  introduction  to  my  paper. 


RESULTS  OF  MY  INVESTIGATIONS  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 

These  may  be  briefly  summed  up  as  follows: 

1st.  That  the  work  was  intended  chiefly  as  a  ritual  or  religious  calen¬ 
dar  to  guide  the  priests  in  the  observance  of  religious  festivals,  and  their 
numerous  ceremonies  and  other  duties.  That  the  very  large  number  of 
day  columns  and  numerals,  which  form  fully  one-half  of  what  may  be 
called  the  written  portion,  are  simply  dates  which  appear  to  run  through 
one  entire  grand  cycle  of  312  years,  fixing  the  time  when  festivals  should 
be  held  and  other  religious  observances  take  place.  Also  that  much  of  the 
text  proper — the  portion  in  hieroglyphics  or  written  characters — is  purely 
ritualistic,  consisting  of  very  simple  formulas. 

*2d.  That  the  figures  in  the  spaces  are  in  some  cases  symbolical,  in 
others  simple  pictographs,  and,  in  quite  a  number,  refer  to  religious  ceremo¬ 
nies,  but  that  in  many  instances  they  relate  to  the  habits,  customs,  and  oc¬ 
cupations  of  the  people — as,  for  example,  their  method  of  capturing  game, 
which,  as  appears  from  this  work,  was  as  stated  by  Herrera,  chiefly  by  “gins 
and  traps” — and  the  incidents  of  the  chase;  that  which  relates  to  the  busi¬ 
ness  of  the  apiarists;  making  ropes;  the  manufacture  of  idols;  agricultural 
pursuits;  occupation  and  duties  of  the  females,  &c.  But  even  here  we  see 
the  religious  element  pervading  everything. 

3d.  That  the  work  appertained  to  and  was  prepared  for  a  people  liv¬ 
ing  in  the  interior  of  the  country,  away  from  the  sea-shore.  This  is  inferred 
from  the  fact  that  nothing  is  found  in  it  relating  to  fishermen,  or  their  vessels. 


V] 


PBEFAOE. 


But  there  are  reasons  for  believing  that  it  pertained  to  a  comparatively  well- 
wooded  section. 

4th.  That  the  people  of  the  section  where  it  was  prepared  were  peace¬ 
able,  not  addicted  to  war;  and  were  sedentary,  supporting  themselves  chiefly 
by  agricultural  products,  though  relying  upon  their  “gins  and  traps”  and 
the  chase  to  supply  them  with  animal  food.  Twelve  of  the  plates  (VIII 
to  XIX)  are  devoted  to  this  latter  subject;  ten  (I*  to  X*)  to  the  business, 
festivals,  &c.,  of  the  apiarists  and  honey-gatherers;  and  ten  (XXIV  to 
XXXIII)  to  rains,  storms,  and  agricultural  pursuits. 

The  execution  and  character  of  the  work  itself,  as  well  as  its  contents, 
bear  testimony  to  the  fact  that  the  people  were  comparatively  well 
advanced  in  the  arts  of  civilized  life.  But  there  is  nothing  here  to  warrant 
the  glowing  descriptions  of  their  art  and  refinement  given  by  some  of  the 
earlier  as  well  as  more  modern  writers,  nor  even  to  correspond  with  what 
might  be  inferred  from  the  architectural  remains  in  some  parts  of  Yucatan. 
We  find  in  the  work  indications  of  stone  and  wooden  houses,  but  generally 
with  thatched  roofs;  at  least  they  always  have  wooden  supports,  and  are  of 
a  temporary  character. 

The  dress  of  the  males  appears  to  have  consisted  of  a  strip  of  cloth 
(probably  cotton),  passed  once  or  twice  around  the  loins,  with  one  end 
hanging  down  behind  and  the  other  in  front,  or  a  small  flap  in  front  and 
the  ends  behind.  That  of  the  females  consisted  of  a  skirt  fastened  at  the 
waist  and  hanging  down  to  the  ankles.  A  kind  of  broad  anklets  and  wrist¬ 
lets  appear  also  to  have  been  quite  common  with  the  better  class,  but  the 
feet  were  always  bare.  The  women  parted  their  hair  in  the  middle,  that  of 
the  matrons  or  married  women  not  being  allowed  to  hang  down,  while  that 
of  the  younger  or  unmarried  ones  was  allowed  to  hang  in  long  locks  behind. 

Mats  alone  seem  to  have  been  used  as  seats. 

The  pottery,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  by  what  is  shown  in  the  Manu¬ 
script  (and  in  this  prefatory  statement  I  confine  my  remarks  strictly  to 
what  seems  to  be  shown  here,  unless  otherwise  expressly  stated),  was  of  an 
inferior  grade  as  to  form  and  decoration,  but  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that  pots 
with  legs  were  common.  Some  censers  in  the  form  of  a  snake’s  neck  and 
head  are  the  best  specimens  represented. 


PREFACE. 


vii 

In  planting-  their  corn  (maize)  it  was  dibbled  in  with  a  curved  stick, 
five  grains  to  a  hill  being  the  established  number.  While  at  this  work  they 
wore  a  peculiar  head-covering,  apparently  a  kind  of  matting.  The  other 
cultivated  plants  noticed  in  the  work  appear  to  be  cacao,  cotton,  and  a 
leguminous  species,  probably  a  climbing  bean,  as  it  is  supported  by  a  stake. 

I  judge,  from  a  number  of  the  figures,  that  their  corn  while  growing 
was  subject  to  the  attacks  of  numerous  insects  (represented  as  worms  or 
snakes),  which  ate  foliage,  ear,  and  root,  and  was  frequently  injured  by 
severe  storms,  and  also  that  the  planted  grains  were  pulled  up  by  birds  and 
a  small  quadruped.  Their  crops  were  also  subject  to  injury  by  severe 
droughts,  accompanied  by  great  heat. 

The  production  of  honey  seems  to  have  been  a  very  important  indus¬ 
try  in  the  section  to  which  the  work  relates,  but  so  far  I  have  succeeded,  in 
interpreting  but  few  of  the  figures  which  refer  to  it 

Rope-making  (or  possibly  weaving)  is  represented  on  Plate  XI* — a 
very  simple  process,  which  will  be  found  described  in  my  paper. 

Their  chief  mechanical  work,  as  I  judge  from  this  Manuscript,  was  the 
manufacture  of  idols,  some  being  made  of  clay  and  others  carved  of  wood 
Two  implements  used  in  making  their  wooden  images  appear,  from  the 
figures,  to  have  been  of  metal,  one  a  hatchet,  the  other  sharp-pointed  and 
shaped  much  like  a  pair  of  shears. 

Spears  and  arrows  (if  such  they  be,  for  there  is  no  figure  of  a  bow  in 
the  entire  work),  or  darts,  are  the  only  implements  of  warfare  shown.  The 
spears  or  darts  seem  to  have  been  often  thrown  by  means  of  a  kind  of  hook, 
and  guided  by  a  piece  of  wood  with  a  notch  at  the  end. 

5th.  The  taking  of  life,  apparently  of  a  slave,  is  indicated  in  one  place, 
but  whether  as  a  sacrificial  offering  is  uncertain.  It  is  evidently  not  in  the 
manner  described  by  the  early  writers,  as  in  this  case  it  is  by  decapitation 
with  a  machete  or  hatchet,  the  arms  being  bound  behind  the  back,  and  what 
is  presumed  to  be  a  yoke  fixed  on  the  back  of  the  head.  This  is  the  only 
thing  in  the  Manuscript,  except  holding  captives  by  the  hair,  as  in  the 
Mexican  Codices,  which  can  possibly  be  construed  to  indicate  human  sacri¬ 
fice.  In  the  Dresden  Codex  human  sacrifice  in  the  usual  way— by  opening 
the  breast — is  clearly  indicated. 


vm 


PREFACE. 


6th.  We  learn  from  the  figures  in  the  Manuscript  that  the  cross  in  some 
of  its  forms  was  in  use  among  this  people  as  a  religious  emblem,  and  also 
that  the  bird  was  in  some  cases  brought  into  connection  with  it,  as  at 
Palenque. 

7th.  In  regard  to  the  written  characters  I  have  reached  the  following 
conclusions: 

That,  although  the  movement  of  the  figures  is  from  the  right  to  the 
left,  and  the  plates  should  be  taken  in  this  way,  at  least  by  pairs,  yet,  as  a 
general  rule,  the  characters  are  in  columns,  to  be  read  from  the  top  down¬ 
wards,  columns  following  each  other  from  left  to  right;  that  when  they  are 
in  lines  they  are  to  be  read  from  left  to  right  and  by  lines  from  the  top 
downwards,  but  that  lines  are  used  only  where  it  is  not  convenient  to  place 
the  characters  in  columns.  The  correctness  of  this  conclusion  is,  I  think, 
susceptible  of  demonstration  by  what  is  found  in  the  Manuscript. 

8th.  That  there  is  no  fixed  rule  in  reference  to  the  arrangement  of  the 
parts  of  compound  characters.  The  few  which  I  have  been  able  to  decipher 
satisfactorily  appear  to  have  the  parts  generally  arranged  in  an  order  nearly 
or  quite  the  reverse  of  that  in  which  the  characters  themselves  are  placed. 

9th.  That  the  characters,  while  to  a  certain  extent  phonetic,  are  not 
true  alphabetic  signs,  but  syllabic.  Nor  will  even  this  definition  hold  true 
of  them  all,  as  some  appear  to  be  ideographic  and  others  simply  abbrevi¬ 
ated  pictorial  representations.  Most  of  the  characters  are  compound,  and 
the  parts  more  or  less  abbreviated,  and,  as  the  writing  is  certainly  the  work 
of  the  priests,  we  may  correctly  term  it  hieratic. 

Landa’s  alphabet,  I  think,  is  the  result  of  an  attempt  on  his  part  to  pick 
out  of  the  compound  characters  their  simple  elements,  which  he  erroneously 
supposed  represented  letters.  The  day  characters  are  found  in  the  Manu¬ 
script  substantially  as  given  by  this  author,  but  appear  to  have  been  derived 
from  an  earlier  age,  and  to  have  lost  in  part  their  original  signification.  No 
month  characters  are  found  in  this  work,  though  common  in  the  Dresden 
Codex. 

10th.  That  the  work  (the  original,  if  the  one  now  in  existence  be  a 
copy)  was  probably  written  about  the  middle  or  latter  half  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  This  conclusion  is  reached  first,  from  internal  evidence  alone; 


PREFACE. 


IX 


second,  from  this,  together  with  historical  evidence.  The  tribe  appears  to 
have  been  at  the  time  in  a  peaceable,  quiet,  and  comparatively  happy  con¬ 
dition,  which  will  carry  us  back  to  a  time  preceding  the  fall  of  Mayapan, 
and  before  the  introduction  of  Aztec  soldiers  by  the  Cocomes. 

11th.  I  think  we  find  conclusive  evidence  in  the  work  that  the  Ahau 
or  Katun  was  a  period  of  24  years,  and  the  great  cycle  of  312;  also,  that 
the  series  commenced  with  a  Cauac  instead  of  a  Kan  year,  as  has  been 
usually  supposed. 

Lastly,  I  add  that  I  think  Brasseur  was  right  in  supposing  that  this 
work  originated  in  that  section  of  the  peninsula  known  as  Peten. 

CYRUS  THOMAS. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Page. 

Preface .  iii 

Results  of  my  investigations  of  the  Manuscript  Troano .  v 

Table  of  Contents . •- . .  xi 

List  of  Illustrations .  xiii 

Introduction  by  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton  .  xvii 

The  graphic  system  and  ancient  records  of  the  Mayas .  xvii 

1.  Introductory .  xvii 

2.  Descriptions  by  Spanish  writers .  xix 

3.  References  from  native  sources .  xxvii 

4.  The  existing  Codices . xxx 

5.  Efforts  at  interpretation .  xxxiv 

Chapter  I. — The  Manuscript  and  its  Characters .  1 

II. — The  Maya  Calendar .  5 

III.  — Explanation  of  Figures  and  Characters  on  Plates  XX-XXIII  of  the  Manuscript 

Troano,  and  25-28  of  the  Dresden  Codex .  .  59 

IV.  — Suggestions  as  to  the  probable  meaning  of  some  of  the  figures  on  the  other  plates . 

Part  First  of  the  Manuscript . 93 

Part  Second  of  the  Manuscript .  Ill 

V.— Symbols,  Pictographs,  and  other  Figures  which  cannot  be  properly  classed  as 

Written  Characters .  125 

VI. — The  Written  Characters  of  the  Manuscript .  136 

The  direction  in  which  they  are  to  be  read . . .  136 

The  order  in  which  the  parts  of  compound  characters  are  to  be  taken .  140 

VII. — Illustrations  of  the  Day  Columns  and  numbers  in  the  first  part  of  the  Manuscript.  162 

VIII.— A  Discussion  of  Dates,  with  special  reference  to  those  of  the  Perez  Manuscript. . .  187 

The  Maya  Manuscript .  188 

Maya . 188 

Translation .  189 

IX. — Ins  riptions  on  the  Palenque  Tablet .  198 

Appendices .  209 

Appendix  No.  1. — Extracts  from  the  “Relacion  de  Cosas  de  Yucatan”  of  Biego  de  Landa,  in  re¬ 
lation  to  the  festivals  of  the  supplementary  or  closinq  days  of  the  year, 

§§  XXXV-XXXVII.  (Pp.  210-226.)  . ' .  209 

No.  2. — Quotation  from  an  article  by  Senor  Melgar .  216 

No.  3. — Translation  of  Landa’s  description  of  the  festivals  held  in  the  different 

months  of  the  year.  Relacion,  pp,  240-310 .  217 

No.  4. — Mode  of  Building  Houses  among  the  Yueatecs — Landa .  228 

No.  5. — Manner  of  Baptism  in  Yucatan — Landa .  229 

Original  . .  229 

Translation .  231 


XI 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Face  Page. 


Plate  I. — Fac-simile  of  Plate  XX  of  the  Manuscript  Troano  (colored) .  67 

II. — Fac-simile  of  Plate  XXI  of  the  Manuscript  Troano  (colored) .  71 

III.  — Fac-simile  of  Plate  XXII  of  the  Manuscript  Troano  (colored) .  74 

IV.  — Fac-simile  of  Plate  XXIII  of  the  Manuscript  Troano  (colored) .  78 

Y. — Fac  simile  of  Plate  25  of  the  Dresden  Codex  (uncolored) .  82 

VI. — Fac-simile  of  Plate  26  of  the  Dresden  Codex  (uncolored) .  86 

VII. — Fac-simile  of  Plate  27  of  the  Dresden  Codex  (uncolored) .  90 

VIII. — Fac-simile  of  Plate  28  of  the  Dresden  Codex  (uncolored) .  94 

IX. — Fac-simile  of  Dr.  Kau’s  Plato  of  the  Palenque  Tablet . , .  201 


Fig.  1. — Comparison  of  Lauda’s  characters  with  those  of  the  Manuscript  Troano 

2.  — Day  characters . . 

3.  — Month  characters . . . . 

4.  — Method  of  giving  dates  with  characters . . 

5.  — Day  column,  with  numeral  characters . 

6.  — Column  of  day  characters . 

7. — Time  symbols  from  the  Dresden  Codex . 

8.  — Symbols  of  the  Cardinal  points . 

9.  — Stone  symbol . 

10.  — Bread  symbol . 

11.  — Bread  symb(?l  in  another  form . 

12.  — Incense  symbol . 

13.  — Figure  of  a  deity  with  triple-headed  head-dress . . 

14.  — Time  symbol  from  Plate  VI . . . 

15.  — Figure  of  an  Armadillo  in  a  pitfall . 

16.  — Copy  of  the  middle  and  lower  division  of  Plate  XIV . 

17.  — Incense-burner . . . . 

18.  — Hatchets . 

19.  — Spear  and  dart  (or  arrow)  . 

20.  — Honey  symbol . . 

21.  — Calendar  wheel  (?) . 

22.  — Mortar . 

23.  — Mortar . . . 

24.  — Paint  cup . 

25.  — Priest  painting  an  adoratorio  or  canopied  seat . 

26.  — Idol  in  a  baldachin  or  canopied  seat . 

27.  — House  symbol . 

28.  — House  symbol . . . 

29.  — House  symbol . 

30.  — House  or  Temple  symbol  from  Dresden  Codex . . . 

31.  — Woman  preparing  material  for  ropes  or  cloth . 

32.  — Woman  making  ropes  (or  weaving) . . . 


Page. 

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9@ 

119 

126 

126 

127 

127 

127 

127 

127 

128 
128 
128 
129 
129 
131 

131 

132 


XIII 


xiv  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Tage. 

33.  — Method  of  carving  wooden  idols . .  132 

34.  — Method  of  painting  idols .  132 

35.  — Implement,  supposed  to  be  metallic,  used  in  carving  wooden  idols .  133 

36.  — Implement ;  use  unknown . . .  133 

37.  — Implement,  probably  used  as  a  saw . .  1 .  133 

38.  — Cutting  instrument .  138 

39.  — Figures  of  matting . 133 

40. — Bat  or  fan . . .* .  134 

41.  — Bird-cage . 134 

42.  — Block  of  wood  marked  with  wood  symbols . 134 

43.  — Mimosa  leaf . 134 

44.  — Supposed  figure  of  a  curtain . 134 

45.  — Symbol  denoting  “tying  the  years” .  134 

46. — Native  smoking  a  cigar . . .  134 

47.  — Copy  of  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XY . . .  138 

48.  — Copy  of  the  middle  and  lower  divisions  of  Plate  XIX .  139 

49.  — Landa’s  Maya  Alphabet . 141 

50.  — Stone  symbol . 144 

51.  — Bread  symbol .  144 

52.  — Bread  symbol .  144 

53.  — Symbols  for  east  and  west . . .  144 

54.  — Symbols  for  north  and  south .  144 

55.  — Character  denoting  “wood” . . .  144 

56.  — Character  marked  on  spear-heads . . . .  145 

57.  — Armadillo  symbol .  .  145 

58.  — Yase  or  olla  symbol .  145 

59. — Same  character  as  a  prefix . . . . .  145 

60.  — Landa’s  character  for  the  month  Pax . . .  145 

61.  — Pax  symbol  from  the  Dresden  Codex . .  145 

62.  — Similar  character  from  the  Dresden  Codex . .  146 

63.  — Similar  character  from  the  Dresden  Codex .  14B 

64.  — Character  signifying ppecuah — “tortilla  of  maize” . .  . . .  146 

65.  — Character  in  head-dress,  signifying ppoc — “hat”  or  “head-covering”? .  147 

66.  — Interlaced  character .  147 

67.  — Landa’s  character  for  Chicclian .  147 

68.  — Manuscript  character  for  Chicclian .  147 

69.  — Character  for  Omal,  a  certain  kind  of  tortilla .  148 

70.  — Character  from  Plate  XIX .  148 

71.  — Group  of  characters  from  Plate  XXIII  * .  149 

72. — Character  probably  signifying  prayer . . . . .  149 

73.  — Group  of  characters  from  Plate  VII  * . .  149 

74. — Caban  characters  .  150 

75.  — Figure  from  Plate  VIII  * . . .  150 

76.  — Character  from  Plate  XIV* .  151 

77.  — Manuscript  character  for  the  day  Cib .  151 

78.  — Character  from  Plate  V .  151 

79.  — Copy  of  the  second  and  third  divisions  of  Plate  XXIX .  152 

80.  — Figure  of  a  hand  from  Plate  III  * .  153 

81.  — Character  from  Plate  III*  .  153 

82. — Character  from  Plate  III  * .  153 

83.  — Character  from  Plate  III* .  153 

84.  — Character  often  figured  on  Plates  I  to  X  * .  153 

85. — Character  or  symbol  for  East .  153 

86.  — Copy  of  two  divisions  of  Plate  XX  * .  154 

87.  — Character  from  third  division  of  Plate  XX* . .  155 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS.  XV 

Page. 

88.  — Character  from  third  division  of  Plate  XX* . . .  156 

89.  — Character  from  third  division  of  Plate  XX  * .  156 

90.  — Bread  symbol .  156 

91.  — Bread  symbol .  156 

92.  — Armadillo  symbol . 158 

93.  — Character . 158 

94.  — Character  resembling  death  symbol .  158 

95.  — Character  from  lower  division  Plate  XX  * .  159 

96. — Death  symbol .  159 

97.  — Copy  of  upper  division  of  Plate  X .  160 

98.  — Group  of  characters  from  Plate  XIV .  161 

99.  — Day  columns  and  numerals  from  Plate  II . 164 

100.  — Day  columns  and  numerals  from  Plate  V .  166 

101.  — Dr.  Bail’s  index  diagram  of  Palenque  Tablet . . . 199 


INTRODUCTION. 

BY  DANIEL  G.  BEINTON,  M.  D. 

THE  GRAPHIC  SYSTEM  AND  ANCIENT  RECORDS  OF  THE 

MAYAS. 

1. — INTRODUCTORY. 

One  of  the  ablest  of  living1 II  ethnologists  has  classified  the  means  of 
recording  knowledge  under  two  general  headings — Thought-writing  and 
Sound-writing.1  The  former  is  again  divided  into  two  forms,  the  first  and 
earliest  of  which  is  by  pictures,  the  second  by  picture-writing. 

The  superiority  of  picture-writing  over  the  mere  depicting  of  an  occur¬ 
rence  is  that  it  analyzes  the  thought  and  expresses  separately  its  component 
parts,  whereas  the  picture  presents  it  as  a  whole.  The  representations 
familiar  among  the  North  American  Indians  are  usually  mere  pictures,  while 
most  of  the  records  of  the  Aztec  communities  are  in  picture-writing. 

The  genealogical  development  of  Sound-writing  begins  by  the  substi¬ 
tution  of  the  sign  of  one  idea  for  that  of  another  whose  sound  is  nearly  or 
quite  the  same.  Such  was  the  early  graphic  system  of  Egypt,  and  such 
substantially  to-day  is  that  of  the  Chinese.  Above  this  stands  syllabic 
writing,  as  that  of  the  Japanese,  and  the  semi-syllabic  signs  of  the  old 
Semitic  alphabet;  while,  as  the  perfected  result  of  these  various  attempts, 
we  reach  at  last  the  invention  of  a  true  alphabet,  in  which  a  definite  figure 
corresponds  to  a  definite  elementary  sound. 

It  is  a  primary  question  in  American  archaeology,  How  far  did  the  most 

1  Dr.  Friedrich  Miiller,  Grundriss  der  Spraclnvissenscliaft,  Band  i,  pj.  151-156. 

II  M  T 


XVII 


XV  111 


INTRODUCTION. 


cultivated  nations  of  the  Western  Continent  ascend  this  scale  of  graphic 
development?  This  question  is  as  yet  unanswered.  All  agree,  however, 
that  the  highest  evolution  took  place  among  the  Nahuatl-speaking  tribes  of 
Mexico  and  the  Maya  race  of  Yucatan. 

I  do  not  go  too  far  in  saying  that  it  is  proved  that  the  Aztecs  used  to  a 
certain  extent  a  phonetic  s}"stem  of  writing,  one  in  which  the  figures  refer  not 
to  the  thought,  but  to  the  sound  of  the  thought  as  expressed  in  spoken  lan¬ 
guage.  This  has  been  demonstrated  by  the  researches  of  M.  Aubin,  and,  of 
late,  by  the  studies  of  Seilor  Orozco  y  Berra.1 

Two  evolutionary  steps  can  lie  distinguished  in  the  Aztec  writing.  In 
the  earlier  the  plan  is  that  of  the  rebus  in  combination  with  ideog'rams, 
which  latter  are  nothing  more  than  the  elements  of  picture-writing.  Ex¬ 
amples  of  this  plan  are  the  familiar  “tribute  rolls”  and  the  names  of  towns 
and  kings,  as  shown  in  several  of  the  codices  published  by  Lord  Kings- 
borough.  The  second  step  is  where  a  conventional  image  is  employed  to 
represent  the  sound  of  its  first  syllable.  This  advances  actually  to  the  level 
of  the  syllabic  alphabet;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  there  are  any  Aztec  records 
entirely,  or  even  largely,  in  this  form  of  writing.  They  had  only  reached 
the  commencement  of  its  development. 

The  graphic  system  of  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  was  very  different  from 
that  of  the  Aztecs.  No  one  at  all  familiar  with  the  two  could  fail  at  once 
to  distinguish  between  the  Manuscripts  of  the  two  nations.  They  are 
plainly  independent  developments. 

We  know  much  more  about  the  ancient  civilization  of  Mexico  than  of 
Yucatan;  we  have  many  more  Aztec  than  Maya  Manuscripts,  and  hence  we 
are  more  at  a  loss  to  speak  with  positiveness  about  the  Maya  system  of 
writing  than  about  the  Mexican.  We  must  depend  on  the  brief  and  unsat¬ 
isfactory  statements  of  the  early  Spanish  writers,  and  on  what  little  modern 
research  has  accomplished,  for  means  to  form  a  correct  opinion;  and  there 
is  at  present  a  justifiable  discrepancy  of  opinion  about  it  among  those  who 
have  given  the  subject  most  attention. 

lAubiu,  Meinoirc-  sur  la  Peinture  didactiqiie  et  V Venture  figurative  dcs  anoiens  Mexicains,  in  tile  intro¬ 
duction  to  Brasseur  (de  Bourbourg)’s  Ristoire  dcs  Nations  civilisdes  du  Mexique  et  de  V  Amdrique  Centrale, 
tom.  i;  Manuel  Orozco  y  Berra,  Ensayo  de  Deseifraoion  geroglifica,  iu  tlie  Anales  del  Museo  nacional  de 
Mexico,  tom.  i,  ii. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XIX 


2.— DESCRIPTIONS  BY  SPANISH  WRITERS. 

The  earliest  exploration  of  the  coast  of  Yucatan  was  that  of  Francisco 
Hernandez  de  Cordova,  in  1517.  The  year  following,  a  second  expedition, 
under  Juan  de  Grijalva,  visited  a  number  of  points  between  the  island  of 
Cozumel  and  the  Bahia  de  Terminos. 

Several  accounts  of  Grijalva’s  voyage  have  been  preserved,  but  they 
make  no  distinct  reference  to  the  method  of  writing  they  found  in  use. 
Some  native  books  were  obtained,  however,  probably  from  the  Mayas,  and 
were  sent  to  Spain,  where  they  were  seen  by  the  historian  Peter  Martyr. 
He  describes  them  in  general  terms,  and  compares  the  characters  in  which 
they  were  written  to  the  Egyptian  hieroglyphics,  some  of  which  he  had 
seen  in  Rome.  He  supposes  that  they  contain  the  laws  and  ceremonies  of 
the  people,  astronomical  calculations,  the  deeds  of  their  kings,  and  other- 
events  of  their  history.  He  also  speaks  in  commendation  of  the  neatness 
of  their  general  appearance  and  the  skill  with  which  the  drawing  and  paint¬ 
ing  were  carried  out.  He  further  mentions  that  the  natives  used  this  method 
of  writing  or  drawing  in  the  affairs  of  common  life.1 

Although  Yucatan  became  thus  early  known  to  the  Spaniards,  it  was 
not  until  1541  that  a  permanent  settlement  was  effected,  in  which  year 
Francisco  de  Montejo,  the  younger,  advanced  into  the  central  province  of 
Cell  Pech,  and  established  a  city  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  town  called 
Ichcamiho ,  which  means  “the  five  (temples)  of  many  oracles  (or  serpents),” 
to  which*  he  gave  the  name  Merida ,  on  account  of  the  magnificent  ancient 
edifices  he  found  there. 

Previous  to  this  date,  however,  in  1534,  Father  Jacobo  de  Testera,  with 
four  other  missionaries,  proceeded  from  Tabasco  up  the  west  coast  to  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Bay  of  Campeacliy.  They  were  received  amicably 
by  the  natives,  and  instructed  them  in  the  articles  of  the  Christian  faith. 
Tiiey  also  obtained  from  the  chiefs  a  submission  to  the  King  of  Spain;  and 
I  mention  this  early  missionary  expedition  for  the  fact  stated  that  each  chief 
signed  this  act  of  submission  “with  a  certain  mark,  like  an  autograph.” 


Peter  Martyr,  decad.  iv,  cap.  viii. 


XX 


INTRODUCTION. 


This  document  was  subsequently  taken  to  Spain  by  the  celebrated  Bishop 
Las  Casas.1  It  is  clear  front  the  account  that  some  definite  form  of  signa¬ 
ture  was  at  that  time  in  use  among  the  chiefs. 

It  might  be  objected  that  these  signatures  were  nothing  more  than  rude 
totem  marks,  such  as  were  found  even  among  the  hunting  tribes  of  the 
Northern  Mississippi  Valley.  But  Las  Casas  himself,  in  whose  possession 
the  documents  were,  here  comes  to  our  aid  to  refute  this  opinion.  He  was 
familiar  with  the  picture-writing  of  Mexico,  and  recognized  in  the  hiero¬ 
glyphics  of  the  Mayas  something  different  and  superior.  He  says  expressly 
that  these  had  inscriptions,  writings,  in  certain  characters,  the  like  of  which 
were  found  nowhere  else.2 

One  of  the  early  visitors  to  Yucatan  after  the  conquest  was  the  Pope’s 
commissary-general,  Father  Alonzo  Ponce,  who  was  there  in  15S8.  Many 
natives  who  had  grown  to  adult  years  in  heathenism  must  have  been  living 
then.  He  makes  the  following  interesting  observation  : 

“The  natives  of  Yucatan  are,  among  all  the  inhabitants  of  New  Spain, 
especially  deserving  of  praise  for  three  things:  First,  that  before  the  Span¬ 
iards  came  they  made  use  of  characters  and  letters,  with  which  they  wrote 
out  their  histories,  their  ceremonies,  the  order  of  sacrifices  to  their  idols, 
and  their  calendars,  in  books  made  of  the  bark  of  a  certain  tree.  These 
were  on  very  long  strips,  a  quarter  or  a  third  (of  a  yard)  in  width,  doubled 
and  folded,  so  that  they  resembled  a  bound  book  in  quarto,  a  little  larger 
or  smaller.  These  letters  and  characters  were  understood  only  by  the 
priests  of  the  idols  (who  in  that  language  are  called  Alikins)  and  a  few 
principal  natives.  Afterwards  some  of  our  friars  learned  to  understand  and 
read  them,  and  even  wrote  them.”3 

The  interesting  fact  here  stated,  that  some  of  the  early  missionaries 

1  “  Se  sujetaron  de  su  propria  voluntad  al  Senorio  de  los  Keies  de  Castilla,  recibiendo  al  Emperador, 
como  Rei  de  Espana,  por  Seiior  supremo  y  universal,  o  liicieron  cierfcas  senales,  como  Firmas ;  las  quales, 
eon  testimouio  de  los  Religiosos  Franciscos,  quo  alii  estaban,  llev6  consigo  el  buen  Obispo  de  Chiapa, 
Don  Fr.  Barfcolome  de  las  Casas,  amparo,  y  defensa  de  cstos  Indios,  quando  se  fu6  d  Espana.”  Torque- 
macla,  Monarquia  Indiana,  lib.  xix,  cap.  xiii. 

2“Letreros  de  ciertos  caracteres  que  en  otra  ninguna  parte.”  Las  Casas,  Uistoria  apologetica  de 
las  Indias  Occidenlalcs,  cap.  cxxiii. 

3 Relation  Breve  y  Verdadera  de  Algunas  Cosas  de  las  muchas  que  sucedieron  al  Padre  Fray  Alonso 
Ponce,  Commissario  General,  en  las  Provincias  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  in  the  Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la 
Uistoria  de  Espana,  tom.  Iviii,  p.  392.  The  other  traits  lie  praises  in  the  nalives  of  Yucatan  are  their 
freedom  from  sodomy  and  cannibalism. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXI 


not  only  learned  to  read  these  characters,  but  employed  them  to  instruct 
the  Indians,  has  been  authenticated  by  a  recent  discovery  of  a  devotional 
work  written  in  this  way. 

The  earliest  historian  of  Yucatan  is  Fr.  Bernardo  de  Lizana.1  But  I 
do  not  know  of  a  single  complete  copy  of  his  work,  and  only  one  imperfect 
copy,  which  is,  or  was,  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  from  which  the  Abbe  Bras- 
seur  (de  Bourbourg)  copied  and  republished  a  few  chapters.  Lizana  was 
himself  not  much  of  an  antiquary,  but  he  had  in  his  hands  the  Manuscripts 
left  by  Father  Alonso  de  Solana,  who  came  to  Yucatan  in  1565,  and  remained 
there  till  his  death,  in  1599.  Solana  was  an  able  man,  acquired  thoroughly 
the  Maya  tongue,  and  left  in  his  writings  many  notes  on  the  antiquities 
of  the  country.2  Therefore  we  may  put  considerable  confidence  in  what 
Lizana  writes  on  these  matters. 

The  reference  which  I  find  in  Lizana  to  tile  Maya  writings  is  as  follows: 

“The  most  celebrated  and  revered  sanctuary  in  this  land,  and  that  to 
which  they  resorted  from  all  parts,  was  this  town  and  temples  of  Ytzamal, 
as  they  are  now  called;  and  that  it  was  founded  in  most  ancient  times,  and 
that  it  is  still  known  who  did  found  it,  will  be  set  forth  in  the  next  chapter. 

“Ill,  The  history  and  the  authorities  which  we  can  cite  are  certain 
ancient  characters,  scarcely  understood  by  many,  and  explained  by  some 
old  Indians,  sons  of  the  priests  of  their  gods,  who  alone  knew  how  to  read 
and  expound  them,  and  who  were  believed  in  and  revered  as  much  as  the 
gods  themselves,”  etc..3 

We  have  here  the  positive  statement  that  these  hieroglyphic  inscrip¬ 
tions  were  used  by  the  priests  for  recording  their  national  history,  and  that 
by  means  of  them  they  preserved  the  recollection  of  events  which  took 
place  in  a  very  remote  past. 

Another  valuable  early  witness,  who  testifies  to  the  same  effect,  is  the 
Dr.  Don  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Aguilar,  who  was  cura  of  Valladolid,  in  Yucatan, 

’Bernardo  de  Lizana,  Historia  de  Yucatan.  Devoeionario  de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Izmal,  y  Conquista 
E spiritual .  8vo.  Pinciae  (Valladolid),  1633. 

2 For  these  facts  see  Diego  Lopez  Cogolludo,  Historia  de  Yucatan,  lib.  ix,  cap.  xv.  Cogolludo 
adds  that  in  bis  time  (1650-’60)  Solana’s  MSS.  could  not  be  found;  Lizana  may  have  sent  them  to  Spain. 

3 1  add  the  original  of  the  most  important  passage:  “La  historia  y  autores  quo  podemos  alegar 
son  uuos  antiguos  caracteres,  rnal  enteudidos  de  muchos,  y  glossados  do  linos  iudios  antiguos,  quo  sou 
liijos  de  los  sacerdotes  de  sus  dioses,  quo  son  los  que  solo  sabian  leer  y  adivinar,  y  a  quien  creian  rever- 
enciavan  como  a  Dioses  destos.” 


XXII 


INTRODUCTION. 


in  1596,  and,  later,  dean  of  the  chapter  of  the  cathedral  at  Merida.  His 
book,  too,  is  extremely  scarce,  and  I  have  never  seen  a  copy;  but  I  have 
copious  extracts  from  it,  made  by  the  late  Dr.  C.  Hermann  Berendt  from  a 
copy  in  Yucatan.  Aguilar  writes  ot  the  Mayas: 

“They  had  books  made  from  the  bark  of  trees,  coated  with  a  white 
and  durable  varnish.  They  were  ten  or  twelve  yards  long,  and  were  gath¬ 
ered  together  in  folds,  like  a  palm  leaf.  On  these  they  painted  in  colors  the 
reckoning  of  their  years,  wars,  pestilences,  hurricanes,  inundations,  famines, 
and  other  events.  From  one  of  these  books,  which  I  myself  took  from 
some  of  these  idolaters,  I  saw  and  learned  that  to  one  pestilence  they  gave 
the  name  Mayacimil ,  and  to  another  OcnakucMl,  which  mean  ‘sudden  deaths’ 
and  ‘times  when  the  crows  enter  the  houses  to  eat  the  corpses.’  And  the 
inundation  they  called  Hunyecil ,  the  submersion  of  trees.” 1 

The  writer  leaves  it  uncertain  whether  he  learned  these  words  directly 
from  the  characters  of  the  book  or  through  the  explanations  of  some  native. 

It  has  sometimes  been  said  that  the  early  Spanish  writers  drew  a  broad 
line  between  the  picture-writing  that  they  found  in  America  and  an  alpha¬ 
betic  script.  This  may  be  true  of  other  parts,  but  is  not  so  of  Yucatan. 
These  signs,  or  some  of  them,  are  repeatedly  referred  to  as  “letters,”  letras. 

This  is  pointedly  the  case  with  Father  Gabriel  de  San  Buenaventura, 
a  French  Franciscan  who  served  in  Yucatan  about  1670-80.  He  pub¬ 
lished  one  of  the  earliest  grammars  of  the  language,  and  also  composed 
a  dictionary  in  three  large  volumes,  which  was  not  printed.  Father  Beltran 
de  Santa  Rosa  quotes  from  it  an  interesting  tradition  preserved  by  Buena¬ 
ventura,  that  among  the  inventions  of  the  mythical  hero-god  of  the  natives, 
Itzamna,  or  Kinich  ahau,  was  that  of  “  the  letters  of  the  Maya  language,” 
with  which  letters  they  wrote  their  books.2  Itzamna,  of  course,  dates  back 
to  a  misty  antiquity,  but  the  legend  is  of  value,  as  showing  that  the  char¬ 
acters  used  by  the  natives  did,  in  the  opinion  of  the  early  missionaries, 
deserve  the  name*of  letters. 

1  Pedro  Sancliez  de  Aguilar,  Informe  contra  Idolorum  cultores  del  Obispado  de  Yucatan.  4to.  Madrid, 
1659,  ff.  124. 

2  “El  primero  que  ball6  las  letras  de  la  lengua  Maya  6  liizd  el  c6mputo  dolos  anos,  meses  y  edades, 
y  lo  euseno  todo  a  los  Indios  de  esta  Provincia,  fud  un  Indio  llamado  Kinchahau,  y  por  otro  uombre 
Tzarnna.”  Fr.  Pedro  Beltran  de  Santa  Rosa  Maria,  Arte  del  Idioma  Maija,  p.  16  (2ded.,  Mdrida  de  Yuca¬ 
tan,  1859). 


INTRODUCTION. 


xxm 


Father  Diego  Lopez  Cogolludo  is  the  best-known  historian  of  Yucatan. 
He  lived  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  says*himself 
that  at  that  time  there  was  little  more  to  be  learned  about  the:  antiquities  of 
the  race.  He  adds,  therefore,  substantially  nothing  to  our  knowledge  of 
the  subject,  although  he  repeats,  with  positiveness,  the  statement  that  the 
natives  “had  characters  by  which  they  could  understand  each  other  in 
writing,  such  as  those  yet  seen  in  great  numbers  on  the  ruins  of  their 
buildings.” 1 

This  is  not  very  full.  Yet  we  know  to  a  certainty  that  there  were 
quantities  of  these  manuscripts  in  use  in  Yucatan  for  a  generation  after 
Cogolludo  wrote.  To  be  sure,  those  in  the  christianized  districts  had  been 
destroyed,  wherever  the  priests  could  lay  their  hands  on  them;  but  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  peninsula,  on  the  islands  of  Lake  Peten  and  adjoining 
territory,  the  powerful  chief,  Canek,  ruled  a  large  independent  tribe  of 
Itzas.  They  had  removed  from  the  northern  provinces  of  the  peninsula 
somewhere  about  1450,  probably  in  consequence  of  the  wars  which  followed 
the  dissolution  of  the  confederacy  whose  capital  was  the  ancient  city  of 
Mayapan. 

Their  language  was  pure  Maya,  and  they  had  brought  with  them  in 
their  migration,  as  one  of  their  greatest  treasures,  the  sacred  books  which 
contained  their  ancient  history,  their  calendar  and  ritual,  and  the  prophecies 
of  their  future  fate.  In  the  year  1G97  they  were  attacked  by  the  Spaniards, 
under  General  Don  Martin  de  Ursua:  their  capital,  on  the  island  of  Flores, 
in  Lake  Peten,  taken  by  storm ;  great  numbers  of  them  slaughtered  or 
driven  into  the  lake  to  drown,  and  the  twenty-one  temples  which  were  on 
the  island  razed  to  the  ground. 

A  minute  and  trustworthy  account  of  these  events  has  been  given  by 
Don  Juan  de  Villagutierre  Soto -Mayor,  in  the  course  of  which  several 
references  to  the  sacred  books,  which  he  calls  Analtes,  occi*r. 

The  king  Canek,  he  tells  us,  in  reading  in  his  Analtes ,  had  found 
notices  of  the  northern  provinces  of  Yucatan  and  of  the  fact  that  his  pre- 

1  Diego  Lopez  Cogolludo,  Historia  de  Yucatan,  lib.  iv,  cap.  iii.  Tlie  original  is:  “No  acostum- 
braban  escribir  los  pleitos,  aunque  tenian  caractercs  con  que  se  entendian,  de  cpie  se  ven  muchos  en  las 
l'uinas  do  los  edilkios.” 


XXIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


decessors  had  come  thence,  and  had  communicated  these  narratives  to  his 
chiefs.1  * 

These  books  are  described  as  showing  “certain  characters  and  figures, 
painted  on  certain  barks  of  trees,  each  leaf  or  tablet  about  a  quarter  (of  a 
yard)  wide,  and  of  the  thickness  of  a  piece  of  eight,  folded  at  one  edge  and 
the  other  in  the  manner  of  a  screen,  called  by  them  Analtehes 2 

When  the  island  of  Flores  was  captured  these  books  were  found  stored 
in  the  house  of  the  king  Canek,  containing  the  account  of  all  that  had 
happened  to  the  tribe.3  What  disposition  was  made  of  them  we  are  not 
informed. 

I  have  reserved  until  now  a  discussion  of  the  description  of  the  Maya 
writing  presented  in  the  well-known  work  of  Diego  de  Landa,  the  second 
bishop  of  Yucatan.  Landa  arrived  in  the  province  in  August,  1549,  and 
died  in  April,  1579,  having  passed  most  of  the  intervening  thirty  years  there 
in  the  discharge  of  his  religious  duties.  He  became  well  acquainted  with 
the  language,  which,  for  that  matter,  is  a  comparatively  easy  one,  and  though 
harsh,  illiberal,  and  bitterly  fanatic,  he  paid  a  certain  amount  of  attention 
to  the  arts,  religion,  and  history  of  the  ancient  inhabitants. 

The  notes  that  he  made  were  copied  after  his  death  and  reached  Spain, 
where  they  are  now  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Royal  Academy  of 
History,  Madrid.  In  1864  they  were  published  at  Paris,  with  a  French 
translation,  by  the  Abbe  Brasseur  (de  Bourbourg). 

Of  all  writers  Landa  comes  the  nearest  telling  us  how  the  Mayas  used 
their  system  of  writing;  but,  unfortunately,  he  also  is  so  superficial  and 
obscure  that  his  words  have  given  rise  to  very  erroneous  theories.  His 
description  runs  as  follows: 

“This  people  also  used  certain  characters  or  letters,  with  which  they 
wrote  in  their  books  their  ancient  matters  and  their  sciences,  and  with  them 
(i.  e.,  with  their  characters  or  letters),  and  figures  (i  e.,  drawings  or  pic- 

1  “Porque  lo  leia  su  Rey  en  sus  Analtehes,  teniau  Noticias  de  aquellas  Provincias  de  Yucatan  (que 
Analtehes,  6  Historias,  es  una  misma  cosa)  y  de  que  sus  Pasados  avian  Salido  de  ellas.”  Historia  de  la 
Conquista  de  la  Provincia  de  el  Itza,  Reduction  y  Progressos  de  la  de  el  Lacandon,  etc.  (folio,  Madrid,  1701) 
lib.  vi,  cap.  iv. 

2  Ibid.,  lib.  vii,  cap.  i. 

3  “  Y  en  su  casa  tambien  tenia  de  estos  Idolos,  y  Messa  de  Sacrificios,  y  los  Analtehes,  6  Historias 
de  todo  quanto  los  avia  sucedido.”  Ibid.,  lib.  viii,  cap.  xiii. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXV 


tures),  and  some  signs  in  the  figures,  they  understood  their  matters,  and 
could  explain  them  and  teach  them.  We  found  great  numbers  of  books  in 
these  letters,  but  as  they  contained  nothing  that  did  not  savor  of  superstition 
and  lies  of  the  devil  we  burnt  them  all,  at  which  the  natives  grieved  most 
keenly  and  were  greatly  pained. 

“I  will  give  here  an  a,  b ,  c,  as  their  clumsiness  does  not  allow  more, 
because  they  use  one  character  for  all  the  aspirations  of  the  letters,  and  for 
marking  the  parts  another,  and  thus  it  could  go  on  in  infinitum,  as  may  be 
seen  in  the  following  example.  Le  means  a  noose  and  to  hunt  with  one; 
to  write  it  in  their  characters,  after  we  had  made  them  understand  that  there 
are  two  letters,  they  wrote  it  with  three,  giving  to  the  aspiration  of  the  l  the 
vowel  e,  which  it  carries  before  it;  and  in  this  they  are  not  wrong  so  to  use 
it,  if  they  wish  to,  in  their  curious  manner.  After  this  they  add  to  the  end 
the  compound  part.”1 

I  need  not  pursue  the  quotation.  The  above  words  show  clearly  that 
the  natives  did  not  in  their  method  of  writing  analyze  a  word  to  its  primitive 
phonetic  elements.  “This,”  said  the  bishop,  “we  had  to  do  for  them.”  There¬ 
fore  they  did  not  have  an  alphabet  in  the  sense  of  the  word  as  we  use  it. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  clear,  from  his  words  and  examples, 
that  they  had  figures  which  represented  sounds,  and  that  they  combined 
these  and  added  a  determinative  or  an  ideogram  to  represent  words  or 
phrases. 

The  alphabet  he  gives  is,  of  course,  not  one  which  can  be  used  as  the 
Latin  a,  b,  c.  It  is  surprising  that  any  scholar  should  ever  have  thought  so. 
It  would  be  an  exception,  even  a  contradiction,  to  the  history  of  the  evolu¬ 
tion  of  human  intelligence  to  find  such  an  alphabet  among  nations  of  the 
stage  of  cultivation  of  the  Mayas  or  Aztecs. 

The  severest  criticism  which  Landa’s  figures  have  met  lias  been  from 
the  pen  of  the  able  antiquary,  Dr.  Phillip  J.  J.  Valentini.  He  discovered 
that  many  of  the  sounds  of  the  Spanish  alphabet  were  represented  by 
signs  or  pictures  of  objects  whose  names  in  the  Maya  begin  with  that  sound. 
Thus  he  supposes  that  Landa  asked  an  Indian  to  write  in  the  native  char¬ 
acter  the  Spanish  letter  a,  and  the  Indian  drew  an  obsidian  knife,  which, 


1  Diego  de  Landa,  Eelacion  de  las  Cosas  de  Yucatan,  pp.  316,  318,  seq. 


XXVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


says  Dr.  Valentini,  is  in  the  Maya  ach;  in  other  words,  it  begins  with  the 
vowel  a.  So  for  the  sound  ki,  the  Indian  gave  the  sign  of  the  day  named 
kimich. 

Such  is  Dr.  Valentini’s  theory  of  the  formation  of  Lauda’s  alphabet; 
and  not  satisfied  with  lashing  with  considerable  sharpness  those  who  have 
endeavored  by  its  aid  to  decipher  the  Manuscripts  and  mural  inscriptions, 
he  goes  so  far  as  to  term  it  “a  Spanish  fabrication.” 

I  shall  not  enter  into  a  close  examination  of  Dr.  Valentini’s  supposed 
identification  of  these  figures.  It  is  evident  that  it  has  been  done  by  run¬ 
ning  over  the  Maya  dictionary  to  find  some  word  beginning  with  the  letter 
under  criticism,  the  figurative  representation  of  which  word  might  bear 
some  resemblance  to  Lauda’s  letter.  When  the  Maya  fails,  such  a  word  is 
sought  for  in  the  Kiche  or  other  dialect  of  the  stock;  and  the  resemblances 
of  the  pictures  to  the  supposed  originals  are  sometimes  greatly  strained. 

But  I  pass  by  these  dubious  methods  of  criticism  as  well  as  several 
lexicographic  objections  which  might  be  raised.  I  believe,  indeed,  that  Dr. 
Valentini  is  not  wrong  in  a  number  of  his  identifications.  But  the  conclu¬ 
sion  I  draw  is  a  different  one.  Instead  of  proving  that  this  is  picture- 
writing,  it  indicates  that  the  Mayas  used  the  second  or  higher  grade  of 
phonetic  syllabic  writing,  which,  as  I  have  before  observed,  has  been  shown 
by  M.  Aubin  to  have  been  developed  to  some  extent  by  the  Aztecs  in  some 
of  their  histories  and  connected  compositions  (see  above  page  xxviii).  There¬ 
fore  the  importance  and  authenticity  of  Landa’s  alphabet  are,  I  think,  vin¬ 
dicated  by  this  attempt  to  treat  it  as  a  “  fabrication.”1 

Landa  also  gives  some  interesting  details  about  their  books.  He  writes: 

“The  sciences  that  they  taught  were  the  reckoning  of  the  years,  months, 
and  days,  the  feasts  and  ceremonies,  the  administration  of  their  sacraments, 
the  fatal  days  and  seasons,  their  methods  of  divination  and  prophecies, 
events  about  to  happen,  remedies  for  diseases,  their  ancient  history,  together 
with  the  art  of  reading  and  writing  their  books  with  characters  which  were 
written,  and  pictures  which  represented  the  things  written. 

“They  wrote  their  books  on  a  large  sheet  doubled  into  folds,  which 

'Dr.  Valentini’s  article  was  published  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  I860, 
and  also  separately. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXVL1 


was  afterwards  inclosed  between  two  boards  which  they  decorated  hand¬ 
somely.  They  were  written  from  side  to  side  in  columns,  as  they  were 
folded.  They  manufactured  this  paper  from  the  root  of  a  tree  and  gave 
it  a  white  surface  on  which  one  could  write.  Some  of  the  principal  nobles 
cultivated  these  sciences  out  of  a  taste  for  them,  and  although  they  did  not 
make  public  use  of  them,  as  did  the  priests,  yet  they  were  the  more  highly 
esteemed  for  this  knowledge.”1 

From  the  above  extracts  from  Spanish  writers  we  may  infer  that — 

1.  The  Maya  graphic  system  was  recognized  from  the  first  to  be  dis¬ 
tinct  from  the  Mexican. 

2.  It  was  a  hieroglyphic  system,  known  only  to  the  priests  and  a  few 
nobles. 

3.  It  was  employed  for  a  variety  of  purposes,  prominent  among  which 
was  the  preservation  of  their  history  and  calendar. 

4.  It  was  a  composite  system,  containing  pictures  ( figuras ),  ideograms 
(caraderes),  and  phonetic  signs  ( letras ). 


3.— REFERENCES  FROM  NATIVE  SOURCES. 

We  might  reasonably  expect  that  the  Maya  language  should  contain 
terms  relating  to  their  books  and  writings  which  would  throw  light  on 
their  methods.  So,  no  doubt,  it  did.  But  it  was  a  part  of  the  narrow  and 
crushing  policy  of  the  missionaries  not  only  to  destroy  everything  that 
related  to  the  times  of  heathendom,  but  even  to  drop  all  words  which 
referred  to  ancient  usages.  Hence  the  dictionaries  are  more  sterile  in  this 
respect  than  we  might  have  supposed. 

The  verb  “to  write”  is  dzib,  which,  like  the  Greek  ypdcpeiv ,  meant 
also  to  draw  and  to  paint.  From  this  are  derived  the  terms  dziban,  some¬ 
thing  written;  dzibal ,  a  signature,  etc. 

Another  word,  meaning  to  write,  or  to  paint  in  black,  is  zabac.  As  a 
noun,  this  was  in  ancient  times  applied  to  a  black  fluid  extracted  from  the 
zabacche,  a  species  of  tree,  and  used  for  dyeing  and  painting.  In  the  sense 


1  Diego  cle  Landa,  Relation  tie  las  Cosas  tie  Yucatan,  p.  44. 


XXV111 


INTRODUCTION. 


of  “to  write,”  zabac  is  no  longer  found  in  the  language,  and  instead  of  its 
old  meaning  it  now  refers  to  ordinary  ink. 

The  word  for  letter  or  character  is  no  oh.  This  is  a  primitive  root 
found  with  the  same  or  a  closely  allied  meaning  in  other  branches  of  this 
linguistic  stock,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  Kiche  and  Cakchiquel.  As  a  verb, 
pret.  uootah ,  fut.  uoote,  it  also  means  to  form  letters,  to  write;  and  from  the 
passive  form,  uoohal,  we  have  the  participial  noun,  uoohan ,  something  writ¬ 
ten,  a  manuscript. 

The  ordinary  word  for  book,  paper,  or  letter,  is  huun,  in  which  the 
aspirate  is  almost  mute,  and  is  dropped  in  the  forms  denoting  possession,  as 
u  uun ,  my  book,  yuunil  Bios ,  the  book  of  God,  il  being  the  so-called  “de¬ 
terminative”  ending.  It  occurs  to  me  as  not  unlikely  that  uun ,  book,  is  a 
syncopated  form  of  uoolian ,  something  written,  given  above.  To  read  a 
book  is  xochun ,  literally  to  count  a  book. 

According  to  Yillagutierre  Soto-Mayor,  the  name  of  the  sacred  books 
of  the  Itzas  was  analte.  In  the  printed  Diccionario  de  la  Ixngua  Maya ,  by 
Don  Juan  Pio  Perez,  this  is  spelled  anahte ,  which  seems  to  be  a  later  form. 

The  term  is  not  found  in  several  early  Majra  dictionaries  in  my  pos¬ 
session,  of  dates  previous  to  1700.  The  Abbe  Brasseur,  indeed,  in  a  note 
to  Landa,  explains  it  to  mean  “a  book  of  wood,”  but  it  can  have  no  such 
signification.  Perhaps  it  should  read  hunilte,  this  being  composed  of  fmnil, 
the  “determinative”  form  of  huun,  a  book,  and  the  termination  te ,  which, 
added  to  nouns,  gives  them  a  specific  sense,  e.  g.  amayte,  a  square  figure, 
from  amay,  an  angle;  tzucubte,  a  province,  from  tzuc,  a  portion  separated 
from  the  rest.  It  would  mean  especially  the  sacred  or  national  books. 

The  particular  class  of  books  which  were  occupied  with  the  calendar 
and  the  ritual  were  called  tzolante ,  which  is  a  participial  noun  from  the  verb 
tzol,  passive  tzolal ,  to  set  in  order,  to  arrange,  with  the  suffix  te.  By  these 
books  were  set  in  order  and  arranged  the  various  festivals  and  fasts. 

When  the  conquest  was  an  accomplished  fact  and  the  priests  had  got 
the  upper  hand,  the  natives  did  not  dare  use  their  ancient  characters.  They 
exposed  themselves  to  the  suspicion  of  heresy  and  the  risk  of  being  burnt 
alive,  as  more  than  once  happened  But  their  strong  passion  for  literature 
remained,  and  they  gratified  it  as  far  as  they  dared  by  writing  in  their  own 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXIX 


tongue  with  the  Spanish  alphabet  volumes  whose  contents  are  very  similar 
to  those  described  by  Landa  (above,  page  xxvi). 

A  number  of  these  are  still  in  existence  and  offer  an  interesting  held 
for  antiquarian  and  linguistic  study.  Although,  as  I  say,  they  are  no  longer 
in  the  Maya  letters,  they  contain  quite  a  number  of  ideograms,  as  the  signs 
of  the  days  and  the  months,  and  occasional  cartouches  and  paintings,  which 
show  that  they  were  made  to  resemble  the  ancient  manuscripts  as  closely 
as  possible. 

They  also  contain  not  infrequent  references  to  the  “writing’’  of  the 
ancients,  and  what  are  alleged  to  be  extracts  from  the  old  records,  chiefly 
of  a  mystic  character.  The  same  terms  are  employed  in  speaking  of  the 
ancient  graphic  system  as  of  the  present  one.  Thus  in  one  of  them,  known 
as  “The  Book  of  Chilan  Balam  of  Chumayel,”  occurs  this  phrase:  Bay 
dzibmil  tumenel  Evangelistas  yetel  prof  eta  Balam — “as  it  was  written  by  the 
Evangelists,  and  also  by  the  prophet  Balam,”  this  Balam  being  one  of  their 
own  celebrated  ancient  seers. 

Among  the  predictions  preserved  from  a  time  anterior  to  the  Conquest, 
there  are  occasional  references  to  their  books  and  their  contents.  I  quote, 
as  an  example,  a  short  prophecy  attributed  to  Alikul  Chel,  “priest  of  the 
idols.”  It  is  found  in  several  of  the  oldest  Maya  manuscripts,  and  is  in  all 
probability  authentic,  as  it  contains  nothing  which  would  lead  us  to  suppose 
that  it  was  one  of  the  “pious  frauds”  of  the  missionaries. 

“j Enhi  oibte  katune  yume ,  maixtan  a  mate; 

TJalac  u  talel,  mac  bin  ca  oabac  tu  coo  pop; 

Katune  yume  bin  uluc,  holom  nil  tucal  ya; 

Tali  ti  xaman ,  tali  ti  chikine;  alikinob  nil  yane  yume ; 

Mac  to  alikin,  mac  to  ahbobat ,  bin  alic  u  than  noohe, 

Ychil  Bolon  Aliau ,  maixtan  a  mate? ” 

“The  lord  of  the  cycle  has  been  written  down,  but  ye  will  not  under¬ 
stand; 

He  has  come,  who  will  give  the  enrolling  of  the  years; 

The  lord  of  the  cycle  will  arrive,  he  will  come  on  account  of  his  love; 


XXX 


INTRODUCTION. 


He  came  from  the  north,  from  the  west.  There  are  priests,  there  are 
fathers, 

But  what  priest,  what  prophet,  shall  explain  the  words  of  the  books, 

In  the  Ninth  Ahau,  which  ye  will  not  understand?”1 

From  this  designedly  obscure  chant  we  perceive  that  the  ancient  priests 
inscribed  their  predictions  in  books,  which  were  afterward  explained  to  the 
people.  The  expression  bin  alic  u  than  uoohe — literally,  “he  will  speak  the 
words  of  the  letters” — seems  to  point  to  a  phonetic  writing,  but  as  it  may 
be  used  in  a  figurative  sense,  I  shall  not  lay  stress  on  it.2 


4.— THE  EXISTING  CODICES. 

The  word  Codex  ought  to  be  confined,  in  American  archaeology,  to 
manuscripts  in  the  original  writing  of  the  natives.  Some  writers  have 
spoken  of  the  “Codex  Chimalpopoca,”  the  “Codex  Zumarraga,”  and  the 
“Codex  Perez,”  which  are  nothing  more  than  manuscripts  either  in  the  native 
or  Spanish  tongues  written  with  the  Latin  alphabet. 

Of  the  Maya  Codices  known,  only  three  have  been  published,  which  I 
will  mention  in  the  order  of  their  appearance. 

The  Dresden  Codex. — This  is  an  important  Maya  manuscript  preserved 
in  the  Royal  Library  at  Dresden.  How  or  when  it  came  to  Europe  is  not 
known.  It  was  obtained  from  some  unknown  person  in  Vienna  in  1739. 

il  add  a  few  notes  on  this  text : 

Euhi  is  the  preterit  of  the  irregular  verb  hal,  to  he,  pret.  enln,  fut.  enac.  Katun  yum,  father  or 
lord  of  the  Katun  or  cycle.  Each  Katun  was  under  the  protection  of  a  special  deity  or  lord,  who  con¬ 
trolled  the  events  which  occurred  in  it.  Tn  co:>  pop,  lit.,  “for  the  rolling  up  of  Pop,”  which  was  the 
first  month  in  the  Maya  year.  Holom  is  an  archaic  future  from  lml;  this  form  in  om  is  mentioned  by 
Buenaventura,  Arte  de  la  Lengua  Maya,  1684,  and  is  frequent  in  the  sacred  language,  but  does  not  occur 
elsewhere.  Tucal  ya,  on  account  of  his  love ;  but  ya  means  also  “  suffering,”  “  wound,”  and  “strength,” 
and  there  is  no  clue  which  of  these  significations  is  meant.  Alikinob;  the  original  has  tukindb,  which  I 
suspect  is  an  error ;  it  would  alter  the  phrase  to  mean  “In  that  day  there  are  fathers”  or  lords,  the  word 
yum,  father,  being  constantly  used  for  lord  or  ruler.  The  ahlcin  was  the  priest ;  the  alibobat  was  a  diviner 
or  prophet.  The  9th  Ahau  Katun  was  the  period  of  20  years  which  began  in  1541,  according  to  most 
native  authors,  but  according  to  Lauda’s  reckoning  in  the  year  1561. 

2 In  quoting  and  explaining  Maya  words  and  phrases  in  this  article,  I  have  in  all  instances  fol¬ 
lowed  the  Diccionario  Haya-Espanol  del  Convento  de  Motul  (Yucatan) ;  a  copy  of  which  in  manuscript 
(one  of  the  only  two  in  existence)  is  in  my  possession.  It  was  composed  about  1580.  The  still  older  Maya 
dictionary  of  Father  Villalpaudo,  printed  in  Mexico  in  1571,  is  yet  in  existence  in  one  or  two  copies,  but  j 
have  never  seen  it. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXI 


This  Codex  corresponds  in  size,  appearance,  and  manner  of  folding  to 
the  descriptions  of  the  Maya  books  which  I  have  presented  above  from 
Spanish  sources.  It  has  thirty-nine  leaves,  thirty-five  of  which  are  colored 
and  inscribed  on  both  sides,  and  four  on  one  side  only,  so  that  there  are 
only  seventy-four  pages  of  matter.  The  total  length  of  the  sheet  is  3.5 
meters,  and  the  height  of  each  page  is  0.21'5  meter,  the  width  0.085  meter. 

The  first  publication  of  any  portion  of  this  Codex  was  by  Alexander 
von  Humboldt,  who  had  five  pages  of  it  copied  for  his  work,  Vacs  des  Cor- 
dUleres  et  Monmnens  des  Peuples  Indigenes  de  V Ameriqne,  issued  at  Paris  in 
1813  (not  1810,  as  the  title-page  has  it).  It  was  next  very  carefully  copied 
in  full  by  the  Italian  artist,  Agostino  Aglio,  for  the  third  volume  of  Lord 
Kingsborouglfs  great  work  on  Mexican  Antiquities ,  the  first  volume  of  which 
appeared  in  1831. 

From  Kingsborough’s  work  a  few  pages  of  the  Codex  have  been  from 
time  to  time  republished  in  other  books,  which  call  for  no  special  mention. 

Two  pages  were  copied  from  the  original  in  1855,  and  appeared  in 
Wuttke’s  GeschicJde  der  Schrift,  Leipzig,  1872. 

Finally,  in  1  880,  the  whole  was  very  admirably  chromo-photographed 
by  A.  Naumann’s  establishment  at  Leipzig  to  the  number  of  fifty  copies, 
forty  of  which  were  placed  on  sale.  It  is  the  first  work  which  was  ever 
published  in  chromo-photography,  and  has,  therefore,  a  high  scientific  as 
well  as  antiquarian  interest. 

The  editor  was  Dr.  E.  Forstemann,  aulic  counselor  and  librarian-in¬ 
chief  of  the  Ihyyal  Library.  He  wrote  an  introduction  (17  pp.  4to)  giving 
a  history  of  the  manuscript,  and  bibliographical  and  other  notes  upon  it  of 
much  value.  One  opinion  he  defends  must  not  be  passed  by  in  silence.  It 
is  that  the  Dresden  Codex  is  not  one  but  parts  of  two  original  manuscripts 
written  by  different  hands. 

It  appears  that  it  has  always  been  in  two  unequal  fragments,  which  all 
previous  writers  have  attributed  to  an  accidental  injury  to  the  original.  Dr. 
Forstemann  gives  a  number  of  reasons  for  believing  that  this  is  not  the  cor¬ 
rect  explanation,  but  that  we  have  here  portions  of  two  different  books, 
having  general  similarity  but  also  many  points  of  diversity. 

This  separation  led  to  an  erroneous  (or  perhaps  erroneous)  sequence  of 


XXX11 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  pages  in  Kingsborough’s  edition.  The  artist  Aglio  took  first  one  frag¬ 
ment  and  copied  both  sides,  and  then  proceeded  to  the  next  one;  and  it  is 
not  certain  that  in  either  case  he  begins  with  the  first  page  in  the  original 
order  of  the  book. 

The  Codex  Peresianus ,  or  Codex  Mexicanus ,  No.  II,  of  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  of  Paris. — This  fragment — for  it  is  unfortunately  nothing  more — 
was  discovered  in  1859  by  Prof.  Leon  de  Rosny  among  a  mass  of  old  papers 
in  the  National  Library.  It  consists  of  eleven  leaves,  twenty-two  pages, 
each  9  inches  long  and  5^  inches  wide.  The  writing  is  very  much  defaced, 
but  was  evidently  of  a  highly  artistic  character,  probably  the  most  so  of 
any  manuscript  known.  It  unquestionably  belongs  to  the  Maya  manu¬ 
scripts. 

Its  origin  is  unknown.  The  papers  in  which  it  was  wrapped  bore  the 
name  “Perez,”  in  a  Spanish  hand  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  hence  the 
name  “Peresianus”  was  given  it.  By  order  of  the  Minister  of  Public  In¬ 
struction  ten  photographic  copies  of  this  Codex,  without  reduction,  were  pre¬ 
pared  for  the  use  of  scholars.  None  of  them  was  placed  on  sale,  and  so 
far  as  I  know  the  only  one  which  has  found  its  way  to  the  United  States  is 
that  in  my  own  library.  An  ordinary  lithographic  reproduction  was  given 
in  the  Archives  p a Uog rap h  i ques  de  V  Orient  et  de  VAmerique,  tome  i  (Paris, 
1869-71). 

The  Codex  Tro,  or  Troano. — The  publication  of  this  valuable  Codex  we 
owe  to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Abbd  Brasseur  (de  Bourbourg).  On  his  return 
from  Yucatan  in  1864  he  visited  Madrid,  and  found  this  Manuscript  in  the 
possession  of  Don  Juan  de  Tro  y  Ortolano,  professor  of  paleography,  and 
himself  a  descendant  of  Hernan  Cortes.  The  abbe  named  it  Troano ,  as  a 
compound  of  the  two  names  of  its  former  owner;  but  later  writers  often 
content  themselves  by  referring  to  it  simply  as  the  Codex  Tro. 

It  consists  of  thirty-five  leaves  and  seventy  pages,  each  of  which  is 
larger  than  a  page  of  the  Dresden  Codex,  but  less  than  one  of  the  Codex 
Peresianus.  It  was  published  by  chromolithography  at  Paris,  in  1869, 
prefaced  by  a  study  on  the  graphic  system  of  the  Mayas  by  the  abbe,  and 
an  attempt  .a  a  translation.  The  reproduction,  which  was  carried  out  under 
the  efficient  care  of  M  Leonce  Angrand,  is  extremely  accurate. 

All  three  of  these  codices  were  written  on  paper  manufactured  from 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXX11I 


the  leaves  of  the  maguey  plant,  such  as  that  in  common  use  in  Mexico.  In 
Maya  the  maguey  is  called  ci,  the  varieties  being  distinguished  by  various 
prefixes.  It  grows  luxuriantly  in  most  parts  of  Yucatan,  and  although  the 
favorite  tipple  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  was  mead,  they  were  not  unac¬ 
quainted  with  the  intoxicating  pulque,  the  liquor  from  the  maguey,  if  we  can 
judge  from  their  word  for  a  drunkard,  ci-vinic  (yinic  —  man).  The  old  writers 
were  probably  in  error  when  they  spoke  of  the  books  being  made  of  the 
barks  of  trees;  or,  at  least,  they  were  not  all  of  that  kind. 

The  above-mentioned  three  Manuscripts  are  the  only  ones  which  have 
been  published.  I  shall  not  enumerate  those  which  exist  in  private  hands. 
So  long  as  they  are  withheld  from  the  examination  of  scientific  men  they 
can  add  nothing  to  the  general  stock  of  knowledge,  and  as  statements  about 
them  are  not  verifiable  it  is  useless  to  make  any.  I  may  merely  say  that 
there  are  two  in  Europe  and  two  or  three  in  Mexico,  which,  from  the 
descriptions  I  have  heard  or  read  of  them,  I  think  are  probably  of  Maya 
origin. 

In  addition  to  the  Manuscripts,  we  have  the  mural  paintings  and 
inscriptions  found  at  Palenque,  Copan,  Chichen  Itza,  and  \arious  ruined 
cities  within  the  boundaries  of  the  Maya-speaking  races.  There  is  no  mis¬ 
taking  these  inscriptions.  They  are  unquestionably  of  the  same  character 
as  the  Manuscripts,  although  it  is  also  easy  to  perceive  variations,  which  are 
partly  owing  to  the  necessary  differences  in  technique  between  painting  and 
sculpture ;  partly,  no  doubt,  to  the  separation  of  age  and  time. 

Photographs  and  “squeezes”  have  reproduced  many  of  these  inscrip¬ 
tions  with  entire  fidelity.  We  can  also  depend  upon  the  accurate  pencil  of 
Catherwood,  whose  delineations  have  never  been  equalled.  But  the  pictures 
of  Waldeck  and  some  other  travelers  do  not  deserve  any  confidence,  and 
should  not  be  quoted  in  a  discussion  of  the  subject. 

Both  in  the  inscriptions,  manuscripts,  and  paintings  the  forms  of  the 
letters  are  rounded,  and  a  row  of  them  presents  the  outlines  of  a  number  of 
pebbles  cut  in  two.  Hence  the  system  of  writing  has  been  called  “  cal- 
culiform,”  from  calculus ,  a  pebble.  The  expression  has  been  criticised, 
but  I  agree  with  Dr.  Forstemann  in  thinking  it  a  very  approyqite  one.  It 
was  suggested,  I  believe,  by  the  Abbe  Brasseur  (de  Bourbourg)! 


IQ  M  T 


XXXIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


5.— EFFORTS  AT  INTERPRETATION. 

The  study  of  the  Maya  hieroglyphic  system  is  still  in  its  infancy.  It 
is  only  two  years  since  an  unquestionably  faithful  reproduction  of  the 
Dresden  Codex  supplied  a  needed  standard  of  comparison  for  the  Codex 
Troano.  Some  knowledge  of  the  Maya  language,  if  not  indispensable,  is 
certainly  desirable  in  such  an  undertaking,  particularly  if  the  writing  is  in 
any  degree  phonetic.  But  it  was  not  till  1877  that  any  printed  dictionary 
of  that  tongue  could  be  had.  The  publication  of  the  Diccionario  de  la 
Lengua  Maya  of  Don  Juan  Pio  Perez  was  completed  in  that  year,  and, 
though  still  leaving  much  to  be  desired,  especially  in  reference  to  the  ancient 
forms  and  meanings  of  words,  it  is  a  creditable  monument  of  industry. 

When  the  Abbe  Brasseur  edited  the  Codex  Troano  be  also  attempted  an 
explanation  of  its  contents.  He  went  so  far  as  to  give  an  interlinear  version 
of  some  pages,  and  wonderful  work  he  made  of  it!  But  I  am  relieved  of 
expressing  an  opinion  as  to  his  success  by  his  own  statement  in  a  later  work, 
that  he  had,  by  mistake,  commenced  at  the  end  of  the  Codex  instead  of  its 
beginning;  that  he  had  read  the  lines  from  right  to  left,  when  he  should 
have  read  them  from  left  to  right;  and  that  his  translations  were  not  intended 
for  more  than  mere  experiments.1 

The  attempt  at  a  translation  of  the  Dresden  Codex  by  Mr.  William 
Bollaert,  published  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Anthropological  Society  of  London , 
1870,  may  be  passed  over  for  the  same  reason.  He  also  “read  from  the 
bottom  upwards,  and  from  right  to  left,”  and  his  renderings  were  altogether 
fanciful. 

The  first  who  addressed  himself  to  an  investigation  of  the  Maya 
hieroglyphics  with  anything  like  a  scientific  method  was  M.  Hyacinthe 
de  Charencey,  of  France.  I  append,  in  a  note,  a  list  of  his  essays  on  this 
subject,  with  their  dates,  so  far  as  I  know  them.2  When  they  first  appeared 

1  Bnsseur  de  Bourbourg,  Bibliolhdque  Mexico- Guatdmalienne,  preeddee  d’un  Coup  d’Oiil  sur  les  Etudes 
Amdricaines,  p.  xxvii,  note  (Paris,  1871). 

2  Hyacinthe  de  Charencey,  Essai  de  Ddchiffremenl  d'un  fragment  d’inscription  Palenqueene,  in  the 
Actes  de  la  Societ6  Philologique,  mars  1870. 

Essai  de  Ddchiffrcment  d’un  fragment  du  Manuscript  Troano,  in  the  Revue  de  Philologie  et  d’ Ethno¬ 
graphic,  Paris,  1875. 

The  above  two  were  republished  under  the  title:  Etudes  de  Paleographic  Jmdricaine  ;  Ddchiffrcment 
des  Ecritures  Calculiformes  ou  Magas. 

Pecker  dies  sur  le  Codex  Troano,  Paris,  Ernest  Leroux,  dditcur,  1876,  Svo.,  p.  16. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXV 


I  translated  tlie  results,  and  gave  them  to  the  public  in  this  country  in  the 
same  year  (1870),  together  with  a  copy  of  the  alphabet  of  Landa,1  which 
was  the  earliest  notice  of  the  subject  which  appeared  in  the  United  States. 

The  conclusion  which  M.  de  Charencey  reached  was  that  the  Codex 
Troano  is  “largely  made  up  of  combinations  of  numerals  and  reckonings 
more  or  less  complicated,  either  astronomical  or  astrological,  the  precise 
purpose  of  which  it  were  as  yet  premature  to  state.”  He  especially  ad¬ 
dressed  himself  to  the  Plates  VIII  to  XIII,  and  showed  by  diagrams  the 
arrangement  in  them  of  the  signs  of  the  days,  and  the  probability  that  this 
arrangement  was  taken  from  a  “wheel,”  such  as  we  know  the  Mayas  were 
accustomed  to  use  in  adjusting  their  calendar. 

An  ingenious  and  suggestive  analysis  of  Landa’s  alphabet  and  of  various 
figures  in  the  Dresden  and  Troano  Codices  was  carried  out  by  Dr.  Harrison 
Allen,  professor  of  comparative  anatomy  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

It  was  published  in  1875,  in  the  Transactions  of  tlie  American  Philosophical 
Society. 

In  the  following  year  (1876)  appeared  the  first  part  of  Prof.  Leon  de 
Rosny’s  Pssai  sur  le  Dechijfrement  dc  TJEcriture  Hieratiqac  de  VAmerique  Cen- 
trale,  folio.  The  second  part  was  published  shortly  afterward,  but  the  third 
part  not  till  some  years  later.  Professor  de  Rosny  has  collected  many 
facts  which  throw  a  side  light  on  the  questions  he  discusses.  He  points 
out  that  the  signs  are  to  be  read  from  left  to  right;  he  gives  a  valuable  list 
of  variants  of  the  same  sign  as  it  appears  in  different  manuscripts;  and  he 
distinguishes  the  signs  of  the  cardinal  points,  although  it  is  doubtful  whether 
he  assigns  to  each  its  correct  value.  He  has  also  offered  strong  evidence 
to  fix  the  phonetic  value  of  some  characters.  Altogether,  his  work  ranks 
as  the  most  thorough  and  fruitful  which  has  heretofore  been  done  in  this  field. 

In  1879  Prof.  Charles  Rau  published,  through  the  Smithsonian  Insti¬ 
tution,  his  work,  “The  Palenque  Tablet  in  the  United  States  National  Mu¬ 
seum,  Washington.”  Its  fifth  chapter  is  devoted  to  the  “aboriginal  writing  in 
Mexico,  Yucatan,  and  Central  America,”  and  offers  a  judicious  summary  of 
what  had  been  accomplished  up  to  that  date.  He  defends  the  position, 

^lie  Ancient  Pkonetic  Alphabet  of  Yucatan.  By  D.  G.  Brinton,  M.  D.  New  York,  J.  Sabin  &  • 
Sons,  1870,  8vo.,  p.  8. 


XXXVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


which  I  think  is  unquestionably  the  correct  one,  that  the  Maya  writing  is 
certainly  something  more  than  systematized  picture-writing,  and  yet  that 
we  cannot  expect  to  find  in  it  anything  corresponding  to  our  own  alphabet. 

In  the  same  year  (1879)  Dr.  Carl  Schultz- Sellack  published  in  the 
Zeitschrift  fur  Etlmologie ,  Bd.,  XI,  tli  eresults  of  some  studies  he  had  made 
of  the  Dresden  Codex,  compared  with  others  published  in  Kingsborouglfs 
work,  especially  with  reference  to  the  signs  of  the  gods  of  the  cardinal 
points.  He  recognized  the  same  signs  as  De  Rosny,  but  arranged  them 
differently.  Many  of  his  comparisons  of  Maya  with  Aztec  pictographs  are 
suggestive  and  merit  attentive  consideration;  but  he  speaks  a  great  deal  too 
confidently  of  their  supposed  close  relationship.1 

Although  Dr.  Forstemann,  in  his  introductory  text  to  the  Dresden 
Codex  (1880),  expressly  disclaims  any  intention  to  set  up  as  an  expounder 
of  its  contents,  he  nevertheless  compared  carefully  the  three  published 
codices,  and  offers  (pp.  15-17)  a  number  of  acute  suggestions  and  striking 
comparisons,  which  the  future  student  must  by  no  means  overlook. 

Finally,  the  ‘‘Studies  in  American  Picture-Writing”  of  Prof.  Edward 
S.  Holden,  published  in  the  “First  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnol¬ 
ogy,  1881,”  are  to  be  included  in  the  list.  He  devotes  his  attention  princi¬ 
pally  to  the  mural  inscriptions,  and  only  incidentally  to  the  Manuscripts. 
The  method  he  adopts  is  the  mathematical  one  employed  in  unriddling 
cryptography.  By  its  application  he  is  convinced  that  the  writing  is  from 
left  to  right,  and  from  above  downward;  that  the  signs  used  at  Copan  and 
Palenque  were  the  same,  and  had  the  same  meaning;  that  in  proper  names, 
at  least,  the  picture-writing  was  not  phonetic;  and  that  in  all  probability  it 
had  no  phonetic  elements  in  it  whatever. 

As  Professor  Holden  states  that  he  is  entirely  unacquainted  with  the 
Maya  language,  and  but  slightly  with  the  literature  of  the  subject;  as  his 
method  would  confessedly  not  apply  to  the  characters,  if  phonetic,  without 
a  knowledge  of  the  Maya;  and  as  he  assumes  throughout  his  article  that 
the  mythology  and  attributes  of  the  Maya  divinities  were  the  same  as  those 
of  the  Aztec,  for  which  the  evidence  is  very  far  from  sufficient,  we  must 

'Dr.  Scbultz-Sellacls’s  article  is  entitled  “ Die  Amerikanischtn  G otter  der  Vier  Weltgegenden  und 
Hire  Tcmpel  in  Palenque.” 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXVII 


place  his  attempt  at  decipherment  along  with  others  which  have  failed 
through  an  inadequate  grasp  of  the  factors  of  the  problem.  Nevertheless, 
his  attentive  study  of  the  relative  positions  of  the  signs  have  yielded  results 
which  will  merit  the  thanks  of  future  students. 


A  STUDY  Of  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


BY  CYRUS  THOMAS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  MANUSCRIPT  AND  ITS  CHARACTER. 

This  manuscript  was  found  about  the  year  1866,* 1  at  Madrid,  Spain,  by 
the  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  while  on  a  visit  to  the  library  of  the 
Royal  Historical  Academy,  and  named  by  him  “Manuscript  Troano,”  in 
honor  of  its  possessor,  Don  Juan  de  Tro  y  Ortolano. 

So  far  as  I  am  aware,  nothing  more  is  known  in  reference  to  its  history; 
we  are  not  even  informed  by  its  last  owner  where  or  how  he  obtained  it. 
In  ordinary  cases  this  would  be  sufficient  to  arouse  our  suspicions  as  to  its 
genuineness,  but  in  this  case  the  work  itself  is  sufficient  to  dispel  all  such 
suspicions,  a  fact  which  will  become  apparent  to  the  reader  before  reaching 
the  end  of  the  present  paper. 

This  work  was  reproduced  in  facsimile  by  a  chromolithographic  process, 
by  the  Commission  Scientifiqae  du  Mexique  under  the  auspices  of  the  French 
Government,  Brasseur  being  the  editor. 

The  original  is  written  on  a  strip  of  Maguey  paper  about  14  feet  long 
and  (J  inches  wide,  the  surface  of  which  is  covered  with  a  white  paint  or 
varnish,  on  which  the  characters  and  figures  are  painted  in  black,  red, .blue, 
and  brown  It  is  folded  fan-like  into  thirty-five  folds,  presenting,  when 
these  are  pressed  together,  the  appearance  of  an  ordinary  octavo  volume. 
The  hieroglyphics  and  figures  cover  both  sides  of  the  paper,  forming 
seventy  pages;  the  writing  and  painting  of  the  figures  having  been  ex- 

1  I  cannot  find  that  the  exact  date  of  the  discovery  is  given  anywhere.  Bancroft  says  “about 
1885,”  hut  a  careful  examination  of  Brasseur’s  Introduction  satisfies  me  it  was  at  least  as  late  as  1866. 

1  M  T 


2 


A  STUDY  OE  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


eclited,  apparently,  after  the  paper  was  folded,  so  that  this  does  not  interfere 
with  the  writing. 

The  facsimile  edition  is  divided  into  two  parts,  paged  separately;  the 
first  part  containing  thirty-five  pages  or  plates,  numbered  with  simple 
Roman  numerals  from  I  to  XXXV ;  the  second  with  Roman  numerals 
accompanied  by  a  star,  thus:  XII*;  but  this  part  has  only  thirty -four 
pages,  numbered  I*  to  XXXIV* ;  the  first  plate,  which  appears  to  be — as 
Brasseur  has  designated  it — the  “title  page,”  is  not  numbered. 

The  two  parts  I  presume  are  made  to  correspond  with  the  two  sides 
of  the  original;  the  title  page  being  at  the  end  of  one  side  and  forming  the 
page  on  the  first  fold. 

The  lines  and  columns  of  written  characters  are  uniformly  black,  some 
of  the  numeral  characters  red,  others  black;  the  pictorial  portions  are 
usually  red,  brown,  or  blue,  but  occasionally  varied  with  black,  and  often 
simply  outline  figures.  The  background  of  the  compartments  or  spaces 
on  which  the  figures  are  painted  is  usually  white,  but  in  some  cases  it  is 
blue,  in  others,  brown  or  red.  Several  of  the  plates  are  more  or  less 
damaged,  all  of  the  imperfections,  as  it  is  claimed,  being  reproduced  in  the 
facsimile  edition. 

Our  colored  plates,  which  are  reproduced  from  the  facsimile  work, 
will  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  characters  and  figures. 

It  is  admitted  by  all  who  have  made  the  comparison,  that  the  written 
characters  belong  to  the  same  class  as  those  given  by  Landa. 

Although  there  are  numerous  variations,  and  also  some  characters  in 
the  manuscript  not  given  by  him,  yet  most  of  his  letter  and  day  characters, 
especially  the  latter,  can  be  found  identical  in  form  and  details.  As  proof 
of  this  I  give  here  the  following  examples  of  exact  copies  after  Landa  and 
the  Manuscript: 


3* 


Fig.  1.—  Comparison  of  Lancia’s  characters  with  those  of  the  Troano  manuscript. 


THOMAS. ) 


DAY  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


3 


This  fact  is  sufficient  of  itself  to  authorize  us  to  pronounce  it  a  Maya 
document,  a  conclusion  which  we  shall  find  strengthened  as  we  proceed 
in  our  examination  of  its  contents. 

As  what  is  known  in  regard  to  Mexican  and  Central  American  writings 
has  been  presented  by  Dr.  Brinton  in  the  Introduction,  I  will  not  go  over 
the  same  ground  here,  but  will  confine  myself  to  the  special  object  in  view, 
to  wit:  an  explanation  and  discussion  of  what  I  believe  to  be  real  discov¬ 
eries  made  during  my  examination  of  the  contents  of  this  work. 

As  before  stated,  an  examination  of  this  manuscript  is  sufficient  to 
convince  any  one  at  all  familiar  with  Landa’s  characters  that  those  here 
used  are  substantially  the  same,  be  their  signification  what  it  may. 

On  almost  every  page  are  to  be  found  columns  of  characters  agreeing 

« 

precisely  with  those  given  by  him  as  representing  the  Maya  days.  These 
are  generally  placed  at  the  left  of  the  compartments  or  spaces  containing 
the  figures,  and  as  a  general  rule  there  are  five  characters  in  a  column. 
Another  prominent  feature  is  the  great  number  of  numeral  characters — 
dots  and  short  straight  lines.  These  are  found  on  every  plate,  often  dozens 
on  a  single  page. 

The  frequent  occurrence  of  these  day  and  numeral  characters,  often 
in  connection,  led  to  the  belief  that  the  work  was  a  kind  of  religious  cal¬ 
endar,  a  belief  strongly  supported  by  the  character  of  the  figures  in  the 
spaces.  With  this  as  the  only  opinion  to  hamper  or  aid  me,  as  the  case 
might  be,  I  began  the  study  of  the  Manuscript. 

I  was  convinced  that  if  I  could  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  general 
design  of  the  work  it  would  aid  greatly  in  deciphering  its  characters.  As 
the  day  and  numeral  characters  seemed  to  afford  the  most  direct  road  to 
this  desired  result,  I  began  with  these. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  has  designated  the  day  columns  “legends,” 
believing  them  to  contain  a  summary  of  what  is  written,  or  represented  by 
the  figures  in  the  compartments  to  which  they  severally  belong. 

That  they  are  characters  representing  the  Maya  days  he  admitted,  but 
as  the  names  of  these  characters  have  each  one  or  more  significations,  it 
was  his  belief  that  they  were  used  to  express  this  signification,  and  not 
simply  as  the  names  of  days. 


4 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


To  be  able  to  decide  positively  whether  this  opinion  of  the  Abbe’s 
was  correct  or  not,  would,  I  felt,  be  taking  one  important  step  toward  ascer¬ 
taining  the  contents  of  this  mysterious  document,  as  these  day  columns 
form  a  considerable  part  of  it. 

The  frequent  occurrence  of  numerals  in  connection  with  these  day 
characters  appeared  to  indicate  dates  or  the  numbering  of  days,  somewhat 
as  we  find  them  in  our  ordinary  calendars. 

How  to  verify  or  disprove  this  inference  was  the  first  problem  that 
presented  itself. 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  MAYA  CALENDAR. 


The  Mava  divisions  of  time  (no  notice  is  taken  here  of  the  divisions 
of  the  day)  were  as  follows:  The  day,  the  week,  the  month,  the  year,  the 
five  intercalated  days,  the  week  of  .years,  the  Ahau  or  Katun,  the  cycle  of 
fifty-two  years,  and  the  Ahau  Katun  or  great  epoch. 

The  day  (“Kin”  or  Sun)  was  used  in  the  ordinary  sense,  each  of  the 
twenty  days  of  the  month  having  its  name,  as  we  name  the  days  of  our 
week,  and  its  character  or  hieroglyph,  as  follows: 

KAN.  CHICCHAN.  Cl  Ml.  MAN  IK.  LAMAT. 

©  OP 

MULUC.  OC. 


CHUEN.  EB.  BEN. 


IX.  MEN.  Cl  B.  CABAN.  EZANAB. 


CAUAC.  AHAU.  YMIX.  IK.  AKBAL. 


Fig.  2.— Day  characters. 


The  characters  here  given  are  copied  from  Landa’s  work,  our  only 
original  authority  on  this  point.  There  are  several  important  variations 
from  these  forms  found  in  the  Manuscript,  but  these,  the  orthography  of 
the  names  according  to  different  authors,  together  with  the  significations  of 
the  names,  have  been  given  by  others,  hence  will  not  be  repeated  here. 
Although  the  month  did  not  always  commence  with  the  same  day,  the  order 
of  the  days  as  here  given,  to  wit,  Kan,  Chicchan,  Cimi,  Manik,  Lamat, 


% 


(5 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


Mnluc,  Oc,  Cliuen,  Eb,  Ben,  lx,  Men,  Cib,  Caban,  Ezanab,  Cauac,  Ahau, 
Ymix,  Ik,  Akbal,  was  always  preserved.  For  example,  if  the  month  began 
with  Mnluc,  the  second  day  would  be  Oc,  the  third  Cliuen,  and  so  on  to 
Akbal;  then  followed  Kan,  just  as  we  would  name  seven  days  com¬ 
mencing,  say,  with  Wednesday,  then  Thursday,  Friday,  Saturday,  Sunday, 
Monday,  &c. 

The  Maya  year  contained  365  days  and  consisted  of  two  unequal  parts, 
as  follows:  360  days,  or  the  year  proper,  divided  into  eighteen  months  of 
twenty  days  each;  and  five  intercalary  days,  which  were  added  at  the  end 
in  order  to  complete  the  number  365. 

The  eighteen  months  were  named  and  numbered  as  follows: 

1.  Pop;  2.  Uo;  3.  Zip;  4.  Tzoz;  5.  Tzec;  6.  Xul;  7.  Yaxkin;  8.  Mol; 
9.  Chen;  10.  Yax;  11.  Zac;  12.  Cell;  13.  Mac;  14.  Kankin;  15.  Muan;  16. 
Pax;  17.  Kayab;  18.  Cumhu. 


OOP.  UO,  2 1 P.  TZ021  TZifii 


Fig.  3. — Month  characters. 


The  year  always  commenced  with  the  same  month  —  Pop — the  others 
invariably  following  in  the  order  given,  so  that  the  number  of  the  month 
being  given  we  know  its  name. 

But-eighteen  months  of  twenty  days  each  not  completing  the  year,  five 
days  were  added  after  the  close  of  Cumhu — not  as  a  part  of  that  month, 
for  no  month  could  have  either  more  or  less  than  twenty  days — to  complete 


THOMAS.] 


METHOD  OE  NUMBERING  THE  DAYS. 


7 


the  number  365,  and  were  called  “nameless  days”  (though  in  reality  named 
as  other  days),  and  were  considered  unlucky. 

If  the  year  began  with  Kan,  the  last  day  of  the  eighteenth  month — > 
Cumlm — would,  as  a  matter  of  course,  be  Akbal,  the  last  of  the  twenty. 
The  five  intercalated  days  were  named  in  regular  order  following  the  last 
of  Cumhu,  and  in  this  case  would  be  Kan,  Chicchan,  Cimi,  Manik,  and 
Lamat.  The  next — Muluc — would  begin  the  new  year.  Muluc  being  the 
first  day  of  the  montlf,  Lamat  would  necessarily  be  the  last — the  five  added 
days  at  the  end  of  tbe  year  would  be  Muluc,  Oc,  Ohuen,  Eb,  and  Ben, 
making  lx  the  first  of  the  following  year.  Ix  being  the  first,  Ben  would  be 
the  last  of  Cumhu,  and  the  added  days  being  Ix,  Men,  Cib,  Caban,  and 
Ezanab,  Cauac  would  be  the  first  of  the  next  year,  the  added  days  would 
close  with  Akbal,  and  the  following  year  commence  with  Kan.  It  will  be 
seen  from  this,  that  the  year  always  commenced  with  one  of  the  four  days, 
Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  Cauac,  following  each  other  regularly  in  the  order  given. 

If  these  were  all  the  peculiarities  of  the  system,  the  Maya  calendar 
would  be  comparatively  simple  and  easily  understood. 

But  another  method  of  numbering  the  days  was  introduced,  doubtless 
long  after  the  calendar  had  assumed  a  regular  form,  and  probably  by  the 
priests,  for  the  purpose  of  complicating  it  and  rendering  it  as  far  as  possible 
unintelligible  to  the  people.  This  was  to  limit  the  number  to  thirteen,  or, 
in  other  words,  to  divide  the  year  into  periods  of  thirteen  days.  I  have 
followed  other  modern  authors  in  calling  this  period  a  week,  though  it  ap¬ 
pears  the  Mayas  gave  it  no  name,  nor  in  fact  do  they  seem  to  have  consid¬ 
ered  it  a  period,  but  simply  a  method  of  numbering  the  days  and  years. 
As  there  were  twenty  names  of  days  to  be  used,  the  introduction  of  this 
system  of  thirteen  numerals,  as  the  one  chiefly  adopted  in  giving  dates, 
necessarily  greatly  complicated  the  calendar,  and,  together  with  the  inter¬ 
calation  of  the  five  days  at  the  end  of  the  year,  produced  some  singular 
results. 

To  illustrate  this  I  give  first  a  list  of  days  for  one  month  (Table  No.  I) 
numbered  according  to  this  system,  following  it  with  a  table  (No.  II)  num¬ 
bered  in  the  same  way  for  an  entire  year— something  after  the  manner  of 
our  common  counting-house  calendar. 


8 


STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


J.  Kan. 

2.  ChiccLan. 

3.  Cirni. 

4.  Manik. 

5.  Lain  at. 


6.  Muluc. 

7.  Oc. 

8.  Clnieii. 

9.  Eb. 

10.  Ben. 


Table 


I. 

11.  Ix. 

12.  Men. 

13.  Cib. 


1.  Caban. 

2.  Ezanab. 


3.  Cauac. 

4.  Aliau. 

5.  Yinix. 
0.  Ik. 

7.  Akbal. 


Table  II. 


Names  of  tlie 
months. 

pH 

6 

5 

5 

o 

s 

A 

Yaxkin. 

Mol. 

Clien.  , 

M 

c3 

>-< 

V 

a 

N 

Ceb. 

Mac. 

Nankin*. 

ci 

§ 

Pax. 

a 

>> 

c3 

W 

Ctunhu. 

Numbers  of  the 

days. 

Numbers  of 
the  months 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

n 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

Names  of  the 
days. 

Kan . 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

sr 

2 

9 

3 

1 

Chiechan _ 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

2 

Cimi . 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

3 

Manik . 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

4 

Lamat . 

r> 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

5 

Muluc . 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

6 

Oc . 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

7 

Chuen . _ 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

8 

Eh . 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

9 

Ben . 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

r. 

° 

12 

10 

Ix  . 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

11 

Men . 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

12 

Cib . 

13 

7 

1 

§ 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

13 

Caban  . 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

14 

Ezanab  .... 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

15 

Cauac . 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

16 

Ahau . 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

17 

Yinix  _ _ 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

18 

Ik . . 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

19 

Akbal . 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

20 

77 

Kan . 

10 

It  will  be  seen  by  examining  this  table,  the 

C3 

Chiechan . 

11 

year  in  this  case  commences  with  Kan,  the  other 

O 

Cimi . 

12 

nineteen  days  following  in  regular  order  as  here- 

<p 

Manik . . 

13 

tofore  given.  They  are  numbered  regularly 
from  one  until  we  reach  thirteen,  then  we  com- 

Lamat . 

1 

mence  again  with  one ,  the  month  ending  with  Akbal  7. 


THOMAS.] 


NAMES  AND  NUMBERS  OF  THE  YEARS. 


9 


The  second  month — Uo — begins  with  8  Kan;  when  we  reach  13,  which 
is  nOw  Muluc,  we  must  follow  it  with  1  Oc,  and  so  on  to  the  end  of  the 
year.  The  last  day  of  Cumhu  in  this  case  will  be  9  Akbal  and  the  last  of 
the  five  intercalated  days  1  Lamat;  it  follows  therefore  that  the  first  day  of 
the  next  year  will  be  2  Muluc.  If  we  run  through  this  second  year  in  the 
same  way,  commencing  it  with  2  Muluc  followed  by  3  Oc,  4  Clmen,  and  so 
on,  we  shall  find  that  the  third  year  will  begin  with  3  lx;  continuing  this 
process  we  ascertain  that  the  fourth  commences  with  4  Cauac,  the  fifth  with  5 
Kan,  the  sixth  with  6  Muluc,  the  seventh  with  7  lx,  the  eighth  with  8  Cauac, 
the  ninth  with  9  Kan,  the  tenth  with  10  Muluc,  the  eleventh  with  11  lx,  the 
twelfth  with  12  Cauac,  tlie  thirteenth  with  13  Kan,  the  fourteenth  with  1 
Muluc,  the  fifteenth  with  2  lx,  and  so  on.  From  this  we  see  that  no  year, 
after  the  first,  commences  with  a  day  numbered  1  until  thirteen  have  been 
completed,  thus  forming  a  period  of  13  years,  or  as  it  is  designated,  “A 
week  of  years”  or  “Indication.”  By  continuing  the  above  process  we  shall 
find  that  no  year  will  again  commence  with  1  Kan  until  52,  (or  13X4,) — 
are  completed. 

Table  III.  Table  1Y. 

KAN  TABLE.  CAUAC  TABLE. 


d 

M 

Muluc. 

)— 1 

Cauac. 

© 

Kau. 

Muluc. 

X* 

HH 

l 

2 

3 

4 

i 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

' 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1* 

2 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

11 

12 

13 

1* 

2 

3 

4 

5 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

10 

11 

12 

13 

A  STUDY  OF  TUE  MANUSCRIPT  TEGANO. 


10 


In  order  to  make  this  as  plain  as  possible  I  will  give  here  a  table  of 
years  for  one  cycle  of  52  years.  As  there  is  some  doubt  as  to  which  of 
the  two  years — 1  Kan  or  1  Cauac — the  cycle  began  with,  I  give  tables  (Nos. 
Ill  and  IV)  for  both. 

By  this  time  the  reader  is  sufficiently  conversant  with  this  sytem  to 
know  that  if  the  cycles  commence  with  1  Kan,  as  in  the  left-hand  table 
(No.  Ill),  the  year  following  13  Cauac  would  be  1  Kan  and  the  commence¬ 
ment  of  another  cycle.  If  the  true  method  were  as  given  in  the  right-hand 
table  (No.  IV ),  then  13  lx  would  be  followed  by  1  Cauac,  the  first  year  of  the 
next  cycle.  This  follows,  as  will  readily  be  seen,  from  the  fact  that  52  is 
the  least  common  multiple  of  4  and  13. 

The  importance  of  knowing  which  one  of  these  arrangements  was  that 
used  by  the  Mayas  will  be  apparent  from  the  following  illustration:  A  cer¬ 
tain  event  is  dated  a  particular  day  in  the  year  1  lx;  if  the  table  we  have 
headed  1  Kan  be  correct  it  would  then  be  in  the  27th  year  of  the  cycle; 
if  the  other  be  the  true  method  it  would  then  be  in  the  40th  year  of  the 
cycle,  or  thirteen  years  later.  These  years  are  marked  with  a  star  in  Tables 
III  and  IV. 

As  this  system  admits  of  fifty-two  changes  in  the  day  on  which  the 
year  begins,  it  would  require  fifty-two  different  calendars  to  cover  one 
cycle,  just  as  fourteen  calendars  are  required  to  suit  all  the  years  of  our 
system,  seven  for  the  ordinary  years  and  seven  for  the  leap-years.  As  it 
would  require  much  time  and  space  to  write  these  out  in  full,  I  have  adopted 
the  expedient  shown  in  the  following  table  (No.  V),  of  abbreviating  the 
work. 

First  we  have  at  the  left  four  columns,  each  containing  the  names  of 
the  twenty  days  of  the  month.  As  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  author 
of  the  manuscript  adopted  the  s}Tstem  which  had  Cauac  as  the  first  day  of 
the  cycle,  the  first  or  left-hand  column  commences  with  this  day,  the  others, 
Kan,  Muluc,  and  lx,  following  in  the  order  in  which  tliey^  are  found  in  the 
list  of  days.  The  first  column  is  therefore  the  one  to  be  used  for  all  the 
Cauac  years;  the  second  for  all  the  Kan  years;  the  third  for  all  the  Muluc 
years,  and  the  fourth  for  all  the  lx  years.  The  reader  must  be  careful  to 
remember,  that  when  one  day  of  the  month  is  determined  it  determines  all 


THOMAS.  J 


CONDENSED  MAYA  CALENDAR. 


11 


the  rest,  and  as  a  consequence  all  the  rest  of  the  year;  therefore  when  we 
find  what  the  first  day  of  the  year  is,  we  can  easily  determine  any  day  of 
any  month.  As  each  of  the  four  leading  days  or  “year-bearers,”  as  they 
were  called  by  the  Mayas,  can  have  but  thirteen  different  numbers  it  is 
unnecessary  to  extend  our  columns  of  numbers  further  than  thirteen. 


Table  V. 


Cauac 

column. 

Kan 

column. 

Muluc 

column. 

Ix 

column. 

1 

14 

2 

15 

3 

10 

4 

17 

5 

18 

0 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

Nos.  of 
tbe 

months. 

Days  of 

month. 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

Oc . 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

Cib . 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

Ik . 

Eb . 

Caban . 

4 

n 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

Akbal . 

Ezanab . 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

c 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

Oc  . 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

Cib . 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

Eb . 

Ik  . 

9 

3 

10 

4 

n 

5 

12 

G 

13 

1 

8 

2 

9 

Akbal . 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

Ix . 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

Cib . 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

Eb . 

Ik . 

Manik . 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

14 

Akbal . 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

15 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

16 

Oc . 

4 

11 

5 

12 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

17 

Cib . 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

18 

Ik . 

Eb  ..... _ 

G 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

19 

Ezanab . 

Akbal . 

Lamat . 

Ben . 

7 

i 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

n 

5 

12 

G 

13 

20 

By  referring  to  the  table  No.  II  of  days  and  months  we  observe  that 
when  we  have  completed  the  thirteenth  column,  or  the  column  of  the 
thirteenth  month,  the  next,  or  fourteenth  month,  commences  with  1;  just  as 
the  first  month;  the  fifteenth  with  8,  as  the  second;  the  sixteenth  with  2,  as 
the  third;  the  seventeenth  with  9,  as  the  fourth;  and  the  eighteenth  with 
3,  as  the  fifth.  Instead  therefore  of  having  eighteen  columns  in  our  table, 
we  need  extend  it  only  so  as  to  include  the  thirteenth,  as  we  can  use  the 
first,  second,  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  for  the  fourteenth,  fifteenth,  sixteenth, 
seventeenth,  and  eighteenth  months  respectively,  as  indicated  by  the  num¬ 
bers  of  the  months  which  wm  have  placed  above  the  table  over  the  figure 


12 


A  STUDY  OF  TELE  MANUSCRIPT  TKOANO. 


columns.  The  reader  must  bear  in  mind  that,  although  we  have  numbered 
the  months  as  commencing  with  the  left-hand  column,  which  has  1  for  its 
upper  figure,  yet  this  only  holds  good  when  the  year  is  1  Cauac,  1  Kan,  1 
Muluc,  or  1  lx,  and  for  none  of  the  other  years.  The  first  month  of  the 
year  may  be  any  one  of  the  thirteen  columns,  thus:  8  Cauac,  8  Kan,  8 
Muluc,  and  8  lx  have  the  second  column,  which  has  8  for  its  upper  figure, 
as  their  first  month;  then  the  one  commencing  with  2  will  be  the  second 
month  column,  that  with  9  the  third,  with  3  the  fourth,  with  10  the  fifth, 
with  4  the  sixth,  with  11  the  seventh,  with  5  the  eighth,  with  12  the 
ninth,  with  6  the  tenth,  with  13  the  eleventh,  the  last  or  one  commencing 
with  7  the  twelfth.  Now  we  go  back  to  the  first — commencing  with  1  — 
which  will  be  the  thirteenth,  with  8  the  fourteenth,  with  2  the  fifteenth, 
with  9  the  sixteenth,  with  3  the  seventeenth,  with  10  the  eighteenth.  Thus 
we  count  through  and  go  back  to  the  left,  and  so  continue  until  we  reach 
the  number  of  the  month  desired.  We  will  now  illustrate  the  use  of  this 
table  by  some  examples,  but  first  we  must  warn  the  reader  not  to  confuse 
the  day  of  the  month  with  the  day  of  the  week ;  the  numbers  of  the  days  of  the 
month  are  given  in  the  extreme  right-hand  column  of  the  table,  wdiieh  is 
not  counted  as  one  of  the  thirteen;  the  days  of  the  week,  as  heretofore 
stated,  are  always  given  thus:  3  Ymix,  12  Caban,  7  Oc,  &c. 

Now,  to  illustrate  the  method  of  using  the  table,  let  us  find  in  what 
months  and  on  what  days  of  the  months  in  the  years  11  Cauac,  11  Kan, 
11  Muluc,  and  11  lx,  the  day  8  Aliau  will  fall.  For  the  year  11  Cauac 
we  must  look  to  the  Cauac  column.  We  find  here  that  Ahau  is  the  second 
day  of  the  month;  running  our  eyes  along  the  second  transverse  line, 
we  find  the  figure  8  in  the  thirteenth  column,  which  has  7  as  the  top  num¬ 
ber;  going  back  to  the  column  which  has  11  as  the  upper  or  top  number 
and  counting  the  columns  up  to  this  (that  has  7  as  the  top  number),  we  find 
it  to  be  the  sixth  month.  We  thus  ascertain  that  8  Ahau  of  the  year  11 
Cauac  is  the  second  day  of  the  sixth  month.  To  find  where  it  falls  in  11 
Kan  wre  must  first  find  Ahau  in  the  Kan  column.  By  running  our  eyes 
down  this  column  we  see  that  it  is  the  17th  day  of  the  month;  then,  by 
looking  along  the  17th  transverse  line  we  find  the  figure  8  to  be  in  the  col¬ 
umn  which  has  5  at  the  top,  which  is  the  second  or  fifteenth  from  that  with 


THOMAS.] 


EXPLANATION  OF  CONDENSED  CALENDAR. 


13 


11  at  the  top.  Therefore  8  Ahau.  of  the  year  11  Kan  is  the  17th  day  of  the 
second  and  also  of  fifteenth  month.1 2 

In  the  same  way  we  ascertain  that  8  Ahau  of  the  year  1 1  Muluc  is  the 
twelfth  day  of  the  twelfth  month,  but  in  this  case  we  have  to  count  the 
columns  from  the  one  commencing  with  11  (always  inclusive)  to  the  right, 
through  to  the  thirteenth  (the  one  with  7  at  the  top),  and  go  back  to  the 
first  and  count  up  to  the  one  in  which  we  find  the  figure  8  in  the  twelfth 
transverse  line.  We  also  find  that  8  Ahau  of  the  year  11  lx  is  the  seventh 
day  of  the  ninth  month. 

If  I  have  succeeded  in  making  this  complicated  system  thus  far  intel¬ 
ligible  to  the  reader,  I  may  hope  to  succeed  in  conveying  a  correct  idea  of 
what  i£  to  follow. 

Now  let  us  test  our  arrangement  by  a  historical  example.  In  the  Perez 
manuscript  translated  by  Stephens  and  published  in  his  “Yucatan,”  Yol.  II, 
it  is  stated  that  one  Ajpula  died  in  the  }7ear  4  Kan,  the  18th  day  of  the 
month  Zip,  on  9  Ymix. 

The  year  4  Kan  commences  with  the  column  of  our  table  which  has 

4  for  the  top  figure.  The  third  month  (Zip)  will  then  be  the  column  with 

5  at  the  top;  running  down  this  to  the  eighteenth  transverse  line  we  find 
the  figure  9;  we  also  observe  that  the  18th  day  in  the  Kan  column  of  the 
names  of  days  is  Ymix,  agreeing  exactly  with  the  date  given. 

In  the  manuscript  Troano  there  is  another  method  of  giving  dates 
which  is  very  common  throughout  the  work.  Thus: 
which,  according  to  my  interpretation,  the  reasons  for 
which  will  be  hereafter  given,  signifies  13  Ahau  of  the 
thirteenth  month. 

As  neither  the  year  nor  the  day  of  the  month  is 
given,  it  is  evident  that  we  may  find  more  than  one  day 
answering  to  this  date,  but  let  us  hunt  them  out  and  see 
where  the}7  fall.  Referring  to  our  table  we  will  first  take  the  Ahau 
of  the  Cauac  column,  which  is  in  the  second  transverse  line;  the  13  in 

1  The  reader  can  readily  see  from  the  table  why  any  day  found  in  the  first,  second,  third,  fourth,  or 
fifth  month  will  be  found  twice  in  the  year. 

2  As  colors  cannot  be  introduced  into  these  figures,  the  red  numerals  will  be  represented  in  out- 


o  o  o 


Red.2 


Black. 


Fig.  4. 


line. 


14 


A  STUDY  OF  TELE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


this  line  we  observe  is  in  the  tenth  column  (12  at  top);  counting  bade 
thirteen  months  (always  including  the  one  from  which  we  start),  we  find 
that  the  first  month  of  the  year  is  the  column  having  6  at  the  top.  The 
backward  counting  is  exactly  the  reverse  of  the  forward  method  heretofore 
explained;  count  to  the  left  until  the  first  column  is  reached,  then  go  back 
to  the  thirteenth. 

We  thus  ascertain  that  13  Ahau  of  the  13th  month  falls  on  the  second 
day  of  the  month  in  the  year  6  Cauac.  Proceeding  in  the  same  way  with 
the  Ahau  in  the  Kan,  Muluc,  and  lx  columns,  we  obtain  the  seventeenth  day 
of  the  month  in  the  year  4  Kan,  twelfth  in  9  Muluc,  and  seventh  in  1  lx. 
We  thus  ascertain  that  the  years  are  6  Cauac,  4  Kan,  9  Muluc,  and  1  lx. 

If  we  examine  Table  III,  showing  the  years  of  the  cycle,  we  shall  find 
as  a  matter  of  course  that  these  years  occur  but  once  in  the  entire  period. 

In  order  apparently  to  further  complicate  this  calendar,  which  was 
undoubtedly  devised  by  the  priests,  as  Lauda  says,  “to  deceive  that  simple 
people,”  another  period  called  the  Ahau  or  Katun  was  introduced.  This 
period,  according  to  most  authorities,  consisted  of  twenty  years,  but  accord¬ 
ing  to  Perez  of  twenty -four.  It  is  in  reference  to  this  period  that  we  find 
the  chief  difference  between  authorities,  because  upon  the  proper  determina¬ 
tion  of  its  length,  and  the  numbering,  depends  the  possibility  of  identifying 
dates  of  the  Maya  calendar  with  corresponding  ones  of  the  Christian  era. 
In  order  to  settle  these  points  it  is  necessary  not  only  to  determine  the  length 
of  the  Ahau  or  Katun,  but  also  the  number  of  Katunes  contained  in  the  great 
cycle,  the  method  in  which  they  were  numbered,  and  the  proper  position  of 
these  numbers  in  this  long  period.  Up  to  the  present  time  these  are  the 
rocks  on  which  all  the  calculations  have  been  wrecked.  My  chief  object, 
therefore,  so  far  as  the  calendar  is  concerned,  will  be  to  settle  if  possible 
these  disputed  points;  but  will  defer  the  discussion  of  these  questions  to  a 
subsequent  part  of  this  paper,  remarking  only  for  the  present  that,  accord¬ 
ing  to  all  authorities,  these  Katunes  were  numbered  as  follows,  and  in  the 
order  here  given:  13,  11,  9,  7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2;  this  number  com¬ 
pleting  the  great  cycle  or  Ahau-Katun,1  which  consisted  of  260  years  if  the 

>1  use  this  compound  term  for  the  grand  cycle  only.  Katun  and  Aliau  are  used  separate] y  as 
equivalents  and  as  applying  ouly  to  the  period  of  *20  or  24  years;  Cycle  for  the  period  of  52  years. 


THOMAS.] 


USE  OF  DAY  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


15 


Katun  included  only  20  years,  but  of  312  if  it  contained  24  years,  as  main¬ 
tained  by  Perez. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  discuss  the  question  presented  as  to  whether 
the  numerals  and  day  characters  found  so  frequently  in  connection  with 
each  other  are  simply  dates,  somewhat  as  we  find  them  in  our  ordinary 
calendars,  or  not.  The  first  point  to  be  determined  is  whether  these  day 
characters  are  used  simply  to  denote  days,  or  because  of  the  signification 
of  the  words,  as  Brasseur  supposed.  This,  as  will  be  readily  perceived,  also 
involves  the  important  question  as  to  whether  Landa  was  correct  in  his 
statement,  that  they  were  the  symbols  or  characters  used  to  denote  days. 

The  argument  must  therefore  be  somewhat  in  a  circle;  hence  the  evi¬ 
dence  adduced  must  be  strong  to  support  the  position  assumed,  and  must 
agree  in  the  essential  points  with  the  Maya  calendar  so  far  as  positively 
determined. 

In  order  to  decide  this  point  we  now  turn  to  the  manuscript  itself. 

Referring  to  Plate  X  we  find  that  the  left-hand  column  of  the  middle 
division  (always  reading  from  the  top  downwards)  is  composed  of  the  char¬ 
acters  representing  the  following  Maya  days,  in  the  order  here  given:  Oc, 
Cib,  Ik,  Lamat,  lx.  If  we  turn  to  Table  V,  containing  the  list  of  days,  and 
count  on  either  of  the  four  columns  of  names,  from  one  of  these  names  to 
the  next,  we  shall  find  in  each  case  an  interval  of  just  six  days;  from  Oc  to 
Cib  six  days;  from  Cib  to  Ik  six  days,  and  so  on.  The  other  column,  same 
plate  and  division,  is  composed  of  the  characters  for  Ahau,  Cimi,  Eb,  Eza- 
nab,  and  Kan,  with  an  interval  of  six  days  between  each  two.  Turning 
now  to  Plate  VI,  middle  division,  we  find  the  days  in  the  left-hand  column 
to  be  Caban,  Ik,  Manik,  Eb,  and  Caban,  with  an  interval  of  just  five  days 
between  each  two.  In  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XVII  the  interval  is 
twelve  days;  and  the  same  is  true  in  reference  to  the  other  columns  on  this 
plate.  In  the  left-hand  column  of  the  third  division  of  Plate  XXXI  the 
interval  is  sixteen  days. 

Although  the  interval  is  generally  the  same  throughout  a  column,  yet 
there  are  occasional  departures  from  this  rule;  for  example,  on  Plate  XIII, 
the  left-hand  column  of  the  upper  division  is  composed  of  the  characters  for 


16 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


the  following  days:  Kan,  Oc,  Cib,  Ahau,  and  Ik.  From  Kan  to  Oc  is  an 
interval  of  six  days;  from  Oc  to  Cib  six;  from  Cib  to  Ahau  four;  from 
Ahau  to  Ik  two 

Here  we  may  be  allowed  to  digress  for  a  moment  from  the  direct  line 
of  our  argument  in  order  to  show  how  the  discovery  of  this  fact  may  enable 
us  to  determine  an  uncertain  or  obliterated  character.1  The  right-hand 
column  of  the  middle  division  of  this  plate  (XIII)  contains  an  unusual 
character  bearing  little  if  any  resemblance  to  any  of  Lauda’s  day  characters. 
The  days  of  this  column,  in  the  order  they  stand,  are  as  follows:  Oc,  Ik, 

lx,  and  Ezanab.  From  Oc  to  Ik  is  an  interval  of  twelve  days;  from 

Ik  to  lx  twelve  days;  from  lx  to  ?(Cimi)  twelve  days,  and  from  Cimi  to 
Ezanab  twelve  days.  We  may  therefore  feel  pretty  well  assured  that  this 
unusual  character  is  a  variant  of  Cimi2  and  not  of  Ahau,  as  Brasseur 
supposed.3 

The  right-hand  column  of  the  lower  division  of  the  same  plate  contains 
the  same  unusual  character  which,  if  counted  as  Cimi,  gives  an  interval  of 
six  days  between  each  two. 

This  regularity  in  the  order  of  the  days  is  sufficient  to  prove,  beyond 
any  reasonable  doubt,  that  they  were  not  used  on  account  of  the  significa¬ 
tion  of  the  words.  In  some  cases  the  combination,  if  interpreted  according 
to  the  usual  meaning  of  the  words,  may,  by  a  somewhat  strained  interpre¬ 
tation,  be  formed  into  a  sentence,  but  Sticli  cases  are  exceedingly  rare,  only 
one  having,  so  far,  been  observed,  and  here  it  is  purely  accidental. 

The  agreement  between  the  characters  found  in  the  Manuscript  and 
the  order  of  the  days  as  found  in  the  Maya  calendar  is  also  a  strong  proof 
that  Landa  was  correct  in  the  characters  assigned  and  in  the  order  of  the 
days  as  he  has  given  them.  It  would  be  impossible  to  find  such  a  large 
number  of  agreements — more  than  200  columns  and  over  1,000  days — if 
Landa  were  wrong  in  either  respect,  or  if  we  were  wrong  in  our  interpre- 

1  This  was  written  before  I  had  seen  Charency’s  papers  on  this  subject. 

2 In  a  plate  of  the  “Book  of  Chilan  Balam  of  Kdua,”  copied  by  Dr.  Brinton  in  his  article  on  the 
Books  of  Chilan  Balam,  presented  to  the  Num's.  and  Antiq.  Soc.  of  Phila.,  Jan.,  1882,  p.  16,  one  character 
for  Lamat  differs  from  this  only  in  the  middle  stroke  sloping  to  the  left  instead  of  to  the  right  as  this 
does.  Leon  de  Rosny  (Essay  Dechiff.  Ecrit.  Hierat.,  1st  Livr.,  17)  interprets  it  as  I  do. 

3 Nor  of  Caban  as  interpreted  by  Charency  (Dechif.  des  Ecrit.  Calcul,  Mayas,  &c.,  1879,  p.  2G). 


THOMAS.] 


NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


17 


tation.  1  shall  therefore  consider  the  following  points  settled,  and  shall 
henceforth  proceed  upon  that  basis: 

1st.  That  the  Manuscript  is  a  Maya  document. 

2d.  That  Landa  has  given  the  order  of  the  days  and  their  symbols 
correctly. 

3d.  That  the  day  characters  in  these  columns  are  used  simply  to  indi¬ 
cate  the  days  they  represent,  and  not  the  signification  of  the  words. 

It  is  now  generally  conceded  by  all  who  have  studied  these  hiero¬ 
glyphics  that  the  Maya  method  of  designating  numbers  was  by  the  use  of 
lines  and  dots,  thus:  one  dot  signifying  1,  two  dots  2,  and  so  on  up  to  4; 
that  five  was  represented  by  a  single  short  straight  line;  ten  by  two  lines, 
and  so  on.  According  to  this  system,  a  straight  line  and  a  dot,  thus 
would  signify  6 ;  two  straight  lines  and  two  dots,  thus  ,  would  stand 

for  12. 

As  heretofore  remarked,  these  numeral  characters  are  found  on  every 
page  of  the  manuscript,  and  if  we  judge  by  the  color,  some  being  red  and 
others  black,  they  belong  to  two  different  classes,  or  at  least  are  used  for 
two  different  purposes.  As  they  are  generally  associated  with  the  day 
characters,  the  latter  in  fact  never  being  without  them,  the  natural  inference 
is  that  they  are  used  to  denote  dates. 

As  there  are  two  classes,  it  is  not  probable  that  more  than  one  of  these 
is  used  to  number  the  days. 

If  we  examine  the  red  numerals  on  all  the  plates  of  the  manuscript, 
we  shall  find  that — except  on  the  title-page,  which  is  evidently  peculiar — 
they  never  indicate  a  greater  number  than  13  (there  is  one  apparent  ex¬ 
ception  wdiere  the  number  appears  to  be  fourteen,  but  the  additional  dot  is 
imperfect,  and  is  either  a  blotch  or  evident  mistake).  In  some  places  wre 


o  o  o 

find  such  red  numerals  as  this  y - —A ,  apparently  denoting  14,  but  a  more 

o 

careful  study  of  the  plates  on  which  these  are  found  satisfies  me  that  there 
are  two  numbers  here,  13  and  1.  From  this  fact  I  infer  that  the  red 
numerals  are  used  here  to  designate  the  days  or  years  of  the  Maya  week, 
which,,  as  I  have  shown,  consisted  of  thirteen  days  or  years,  especially  in 

the  computation  of  time  in  reference  to  religious  feasts  and  ceremonies. 

2  M  T 


18 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


But  there  is  still  stronger  evidence  on  this  point,  which  I  will  now 


introduce. 

For  this  purpose  I  will  have  to 
Table  VI.  Table  VII. 


o 

<3 

c3 

o 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

0 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

Si 10 

11 

12 

fi3 

Sj  i 

o 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

i  7 

8 

9 

10 

\  11 

12 

13 

1 

<  2 

3 

4 

5 

\  6 

7 

8 

9 

1  “ 

(Llj> 

12 

13 

shall  be  able  to  explain  this  mystery. 


ask  the  reader  to  observe  carefully 
our  colored  Plates  I,  II,  III,  and 
IV,  which  are  exact  copies  of  XX- 
XXIII  of  the  Manuscript.  He  will 
notice  that  the  extreme  left-hand 
column  of  Plate  IV  (Man.  XXIII) 
contains  only  the  character  for 
Cauac,  which  is  repeated  thirteen 
times,  and  that  over  each  is  a  red 
numeral.  Near  the  top  are  certain 
other  characters  with  which  we 
have  nothing  to  do  at  present. 

Commencing  with  the  upper 
Cauac  and  moving  down  the  col¬ 
umn  we  find  the  numbers  over 
them,  so  far  as  they  can  be  made 
out,  as  follows:  10,  1,  5,  9,  13,  4,  8, 
12,  (?),  7,  (?),  2,  6.  If  these  num¬ 
bers  relate  here  to  the  days  of 
the  week,  why  this  peculiar  order? 
If  we  refer  to  Table  II  of  the  days 
of  the  months  and  year,  and  run 
our  eyes  along  the  transverse  line 
opposite  Cauac,  we  shall  find  the 
order  to  be  as  follows:  1,  8,  2,  9, 
3,  10,  4,  11,  5,  12,  6,  13,  7,  wholly 
different  from  what  we  see  here.  If 
we  construct  a  table  of  years  simi¬ 
lar  to  those  already  given  (III  and 
IV),  but  extended  over  two  com¬ 
plete  cycles  of  52  years  each,  we 
We  give  here,  for  the  reasons  here- 


THOMAS.] 


EXPLANATION  OF  THE  RED  NUMERALS. 


19 


tofore  stated,  two  tables,  one  with  Cauac  as  the  initial  daj^  (VI)  and  the 
other  with  Kan  (VII).  Running  our  eyes  down  the  Cauac  column  of  either 
table  to  in,  we  find  thirteen  numbers  from  this  downwards,  as  follows,  and 
in  the  order  here  given:  10,  1,  5,  9,  13,  4,  8,  12,  3,  7,  11,  2,  6,  precisely  as 
they  are  on  the  plate  of  the  manuscript. 

On  Plate  XXII  (our  Plate  III)  the  repeated  character  of  the  left-hand 
column  is  Kan,  the  numerals  over  which  (reading  from  the  top  downwards) 
are  as  follows :  11,  2,  6,  10,  1,  5,  9,  (?),  4,  8,  12,  3,  7,  11,  precisely  the  same 
and  in  the  same  order  as  we  find  them  in  the  Kan  column  of  our  tables ; 
the  obliterated  one  being,  as  we  see  from  this,  13.  On  Plate  XX  (our 
Plate  I)  the  repeated  character  of  the  left-hand  column  is  Tx.  The  num¬ 
bers  here,  so  far  as  they  can  be  made  out,  are  13,  (?),  8,  12,  3,  7,  11,  2,  6, 
10,  1,  5,  9,  precisely  the  same  and  in  the  same  order  as  in  the  lx  column 
of  our  tables. 

The  repeated  character  on  Plate  XXI  (our  Plate  II)  is  Muluc;  the 
numbers  are  12,  3,  6,  10,  1,  5,  9,  13,  4,  8,  2,  7,  3.  If  we  compare  these  with 
the  Muluc  column  of  our  tables,  we  find  that  after  the  first  two  numbers 
there  is  a  skip  of  three  numbers  before  we  reach  the  6  which  should  follow 
according  to  the  plate.  But  what  appears  here  as  a  contradiction  of  my 
supposition  is,  as  I  believe,  the  strongest  evidence  of  its  correctness.  If  we 
examine  the  tables  carefully  we  will  observe  that  after  reaching  the  second 
figure, — 3, — in  the  Muluc  column,  the  next  figure  in  the  adjoining  column 
is  6,  and  from  thence  to  8  the  same  as  on  the  plate.  From  this  I  am  led  to 
believe  the  writer  had  before  him  a  table  similar  to  those  I  have  given  except 
that  it  was  written  in  their  numeral  characters,  and  that,  by  mistake  in 
copying,  his  eye  fell  on  the  wrong  column.  That  such  tables  were  used 
by  them  is  rendered  probable  by  the  following  quotation  which  Perez  makes 
from  an  ancient  manuscript  in  his  possession:  “They  had  another  number 
which  they  called  Ua  Katun,  which  served  them  as  a  key  to  find  the  Katunes 
and  according  to  the  order  of  their  march,  it  falls  on  the  two  days  of  the 
Uayebhaab  and  revolves  to  the  end  of  certain  years:  Katunes  13,  9,  5,  1, 
10,  6,  2,  11,  7,  3,  12,  8,  4.”  By  commencing  at  the  bottom  of  the  right- 
hand  column  of  either  table  of  years  and  running  up  we  find  precisely  these 
numbers  and  in  the  order  given.  It  is  scarcely  possible  these  could  have 
been  obtained  except  by  a  table  similar  to  those  I  have  given. 


20 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


We  know  that  tables  of  days  of  this  form  are  to  be  found  in  some  two 
or  three  of  the  Mexican  Codices;  something  similar  is  also  to  be  found  in 
the  Dresden  Codex,  and  by  placing  the  columns  of  these  four  plates  of  the 
Manuscript  side  by  side  we  will  have  just  such  a  table.1 

But  be  this  as  it  may,  the  exact  agreement  in  the  other  three  columns, 
and  the  fact  that  the  years  named  and  numbered  appear  to  belong  to  one 
continuous  period  of  time — an  all-important  point  in  this  connection — show, 
as  we  think,  conclusively  that  our  explanation  of  these  numerals  and  the 
day  characters,  and  of  the  use  here  made  of  them,  is  correct.  If  so,  then 
the  red  numerals  are  used  to  number  the  days  and  years  of  the  week,  or, 
in  other  words,  to  number  the  days  and  years  exactly  as  the  various  writers 
have  stated  was  the  usual  custom.  We  have  marked  this  period  on  the 
tables  of  years  with  waved  lines  so  as  to  be  seen  at  a  glance,  as  we  shall 
have  occasion  hereafter  to  refer  to  it. 

As  further  proof  that  these  red  numerals  are  limited  to  the  thirteen 
series,  I  now  call  attention  to  certain  short  columns  found  in  the  middle 
division  of  Plates  VII*-X*.  These  consist  of  three  days  each — Cib,  Caban, 
and  Ezanab — and  each  day  has  a  numeral  over  it,  as  follows  (I  give  here 
the  exact  order  in  which  they  stand  on  the  plates,  although  I  have  doubts 
as  to  the  correctness  of  Brasseur’s  paging) : 


6. 

13. 

4. 

ll. 

5. 

12. 

2. 

Cib. 

Cib. 

Cib. 

Cib. 

Cib. 

Cib. 

Cib. 

7. 

l. 

5. 

12. 

6. 

13. 

3. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

8. 

2. 

6. 

13. 

7. 

l. 

4. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

1  Since  the  above  was  written,  I  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to  procure  a  copy  of  Leon  De  Rosny’s 
Essai  sur  le  DJcliiffrement  de  L’Ecriiure  Hieratique  de  L’Amerique  Centrale,  in  which  I  find  a  copy  of  a 
plate  of  the  Codex  Cortesianus,  and  also  of  one  plate  of  the  Codex  Peresianus.  In  the  former  is 
part  of  a  table  of  days  arranged  precisely  as  in  my  table,  except  that  they  are  placed  horizontally,  as 
here  shown,  instead  of  in  columns: 


Mnluc. 

»  c.  Chuen. 

Eb. 

Been. 

Ix. 

Men! 

Cib. 

Caban. 

Ix. 

Men. 

Cib. 

Caban. 

Ezanab. 

Cauac. 

Ahau. 

Imix. 

Ik. 

Cauac. 

Ahau. 

Ymix. 

Ik. 

Akbal. 

Kan. 

Chicchan. 

Cimi. 

Manik 

Kan. 

Chicchau.  Cimi. 

Manik. 

Lamat. 

Muluc. 

Oc. 

Chuen. 

Eb. 

Whether  or  not  this  fragment-contains  the  commencement,  I  am  unable  to  say;  that  it  does  not 
contain  the  conclusion,  I  am  satisfied.  We  have  here  proof  that  the  order  when  in  lines  is  from  the 
left  to  the  right.  The  other  plate  (from  the  Codex  Peresianus)  contains  a  column  similar  to  those  in 
the  four  plates  of  the  Manuscript  Troano,  but  here  the  repeated  day  (Been)  is  the  last  of  one  of  the  years 
as  in  the  Dresden  Codex. 


THOMAS  1 


EXPLANATION  OF  THE  BLACK  NUMERALS. 


21 


9. 

3.  10. 

7. 

l. 

8. 

Cib. 

Cib.  Cib. 

Cib. 

Cib. 

Cib. 

10. 

4.  11. 

8. 

2. 

9. 

Caban. 

Caban.  Caban. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

ll. 

5.  12. 

9. 

3. 

10. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab.  Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

Ezanab. 

If  we  turn  to  our  condensed  calendar,  Table  V, 

we  see  that  these  three 

days  follow  each  other  as  shown  here,  and  by  examining  the  different 
columns  we  can  find  all  the  numbers  here  given.  This  fact,  together  with 
the  method  of  numbering,  is  sufficient  of  itself  to  establish  the  correctness 
of  the  opinion  I  have  advanced  in  reference  to  these  red  numerals. 

That  they  are  here  used  to  number  the  days  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  they  are  applied  to  those  days  which  are  never  used  to  name  the  years. 
From  what  has  been  shown  in  reference  to  Plates  XX-XXIII  (our  Plates 
I,  II,  III,  and  IV)  we  see  that  they  are  also  used  to  denote  the  years  of  the 
week  or  “Indication.” 

The  next  point  to  be  determined  is  the  use  of  the  black  numerals.  Here 
we  shall  find  the  task  more  difficult,  but  it  is  necessary  to  determine  this 
before  we  can  proceed  in  our  effort  to  fix  the  dates,  which  are  given  in  great 
numbers  in  the  Manuscript,  and  by  means  of  which  we  hope  to  settle  the 
disputed  points  in  regard  to  the  calendar. 

I  shall  at  present  omit  any  reference  to  the  “title-page,”  which,  as 
I  have  said,  is  peculiar,  and  cannot  therefore  be  used  in  the  present  inves¬ 
tigation.  As  we  find  .repeatedly  throughout  the  work  black  numeral  char¬ 
acters  denoting  14,  15,  16,  17,  and  18,  it  is  evident  they  do  not  refer  to  the 
days  or  years  of  the  week.  They  must  therefore  be  used  to  denote  the 
numbers  of  the  months ,  or  of  the  days  of  the  months.  That  they  are  not 
used  to  number  the  Ahaues  or  the  years  of  these  periods  is  evident  from  the 
fact  that  these  are  always  numbered  by  the  thirteen  series,  or,  in  other 
words,  never  have  applied  to  them  any  number  exceeding  13;  the  years 
are  also  designated  by  the  four  days  Cauac,  Kan,  Muluc,  and  lx. 

But  in  order  that  the  reader  may  see  clearly  the  difficulty  of  deciding 
this  point  satisfactorily  it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to  illustrate  it  by  exam¬ 
ples  from  the  Manuscript. 

As  before  mentioned,  the  day  characters  are  nearly  always  in  columns — 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


22 


o  o  oo 


usually  of  live  characters  each — at  the  left  of  the  compartments  or  spaces, 
each  column  usually  with  a  red  numeral  over  it.  For  exam¬ 
ple,  in  the  lowest  division  of  V*  the  column  consists  of  five 
characters,  as  shown  here  (Fig.  5),  which  denote  the  days 
(reading  from  the  top  downward)  Oc,  Ik,  lx,  Cimi,  and 
Ezanab.  The  red  numeral  at  the  top  is  9.  The  black  nu¬ 
meral  at  the  side  in  the  space  is  three  lines  or  15.  (In  this 
case  there  is  but  one  of  these  black  numerals  in  the  space 
or  compartment,  but  usually  there  are  several,  and  also 
several  red  ones.)  Now,  I  take  for  granted  that  placing  the 
red  numeral  at  the  top  of  the  column  is  equivalent  to  apply¬ 
ing  it  to  each  day  in  the  column,  thus:  9  Oc,  9  Ik,  9  lx, 
9  Cimi,  and  9  Ezanab.  There  is  also  one  red  numeral — 
fig.  5.  13 — in  the  space,  as  shown  in  the  annexed  cut. 

Leaving  this  last  out  of  consideration  for  the  present,  let  us  proceed 
upon  the  supposition  that  the  black  numeral  signifies  the  clay  of  the  month. 
Examining  our  condensed  calendar  (Table  V),  we  see  that  of  the  five  days 
Ezanab  is  the  only  one  that  ever  falls  on  the  15th  of  the  month.  As  this 
will  be  found  true  of  at  least  two  columns  out  of  every  three  throughout 
the  Manuscript  it  is  apparent  that  these  numerals  are  not  used  here  for  this 
purpose;  but  even  could  all  be  found  on  the  proper  day  of  the  month  we 
would  still  be  without  any  fixed  date.  Take,  for  instance,  Ezanab  in  this 
case,  which  does  fall  on  the  15tli  day  of  the  month  in  the  years  commenc¬ 
ing  with  Kan;  the  figure  9  in  the  fifteenth  transverse  line  is  found  in  the 
second  column.  What  month?  In  the  year  l  Kan  it  is  in  the  second 
month,  in  the  year  8  Kan  it  is  in  the  first  month,  in  the  year  2  Kan  it  is  in 
the  thirteenth  month,  and  so  on  throughout  the  thirteen  Kan  years.  Some 
may  contend  that  it  was  not  the  intention  to  fix  the  years,  as  this  is  possi¬ 
bly  the  date  of  some. feast  or  religious  ceremony  to  be  observed  each  year. 
I  answer  that,  laying  aside  the  insuperable  objection  already  given,  even 
this  supposition  would  be  erroneous — first,  because  in  the  case  before  us 
Ezanab  falls  on  the  15th  day  of  the  month  only  once  every  four  years,  and 
Avith  each  year  the  month  is  changed.  But  it  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  this 


THOMAS.  ] 


EXPLANATION  OF  THE  BLACK  NUMERALS. 


23 


supposition  further,  as  not  one  day  out  of  three  ever  falls  on  the  day  given 
if  these  black  numerals  denote  the  days  of  the  month. 

We  will  next  proceed  on  the  supposition  that  these  indicate  the  months. 
In  that  case  the  dates  given  in  the  present  example  will  be  9  Oc,  9  Ik,  9  lx, 
9  Cimi,  and  9  Ezanab  of  the  15th  month  (Muan).  In  this  the  feast,  relig¬ 
ious  ceremony,  or  whatever  the  date  refers  to,  occurs  always  in  the  same 
month,  and  so  far  agrees  with  what  is  left  on  record  in  reference  to  religious 
ceremonies  and  observances.  As  only  the  day  and  month  are  given,  it  is 
possible,  as  heretofore  stated,  to  find  four  dates  to  each  day.  Now,  let  us 
hunt  out,  by  the  use  of  our  condensed  calendar,  the  years  on  which  these 
several  dates  fall.  Commencing  with  9  Oc,  we  look  first  for  this  day  in  the 
Cauac  column;  having  found  it  to  be  the  twelfth  day  of  the  month,  we  run 
our  eyes  along  the  twelfth  transverse  line  of  figures  until  we  reach  the 
figure  9,  which  we  find  to  be  in  the  eighth  column  (the  one  with  11  at  the 
top);  counting  back  fifteen  months  (including  the  one  9  is  in)  we  reach  the 
column  with  4  at  the  top  The  year  is  therefore  4  Cauac.  We  next  find 
Oc  in  the  Kan  column;  it  is  here  the  seventh  day  of  the  month,  and  9  is  in 
the  fifth  column  (the  one  with  3  at  the  top);  counting  back  fifteen  months 
(going  towards  the  left  until  we  reach  the  first  column,  and  then  to  the  thir¬ 
teenth,  and  moving  back  toward  the  left),  we  reach  the  fourth  column  (with 
9  at  the  top).  The  year  is  therefore  9  Kan.  We  next  find  Oc  in  the  Muluc 
column,  and  by  the  same  process  obtain  the  year  1  Muluc.  Next  we  find 
Oc  in  the  lx  column,  a‘nd  by  the  same  process  ascertain  the  year  to  be  12  lx. 

Pursuing  the  same  method  with  the  other  days,  we  obtain  the  following 
result: 


9  Oc.  9  Ik. 

Years _  4  Cauac.  12  Cauac. 

Years  ...  9  Kan.  10  Kan. 

Years _  1  Muluc.  2  Muluc. 

Years _ 12  lx.  7  lx. 


9  Is. 

13  Cauac. 
5  Kan. 
10  Muluc. 
2  lx. 


9  Cimi. 

8  Cauac. 
13  Kan. 

11  Muluc. 
3  lx. 


9  Esanal). 

9  Cauac. 
1  Kan. 

6  Muluc. 
11  lx. 


Now,  let  us  construct  a  table  (No.  VIII)  of  years  for  one  cycle,  as  this 
includes  all  possible  variations  in  the  numbers  and  names  of  the  years,  and 
see  where  those  obtained  will  fall.  Marking  each  of  the  years  with  a  star, 
we  find  that  they  belong  to  one  continuous  period.  So  far  the  result  is 
favorable,  and  what  will  probably  attract  the  attention  of  those  who  have 


24 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TBOANO. 


devoted  some  time  to  the  study  of  this  subject  is  the  fact  that  the  period 
embraced  is  precisely  that  which  is  supposed  by  most  authorities  to  con¬ 
stitute  one  Aliau.  But  let  me  here  warn  such  reader  against  a  too  hasty 
conclusion. 


Supposing  we  are  so  far  correct,  what  use  are  we  to  make  of  the  red 
numeral — lo — in  the  space?  Let  us  suppose  that  it  is  also  to  be  applied  to 
the  days  as  the  other  red  numeral,  using  the  same  month.  This  gives  us 
the  following-  years: 


13  Oc. 

Years  . . .  S  Cauac. 

Years - lo  Kan. 

Years -  5  Muluc. 

Years -  3  Is. 


13  Ik. 

3  Cauac. 
1  Kan. 

6  Muluc, 
11  Is. 


13  lx. 

4  Cauac. 
9  Kan. 

1  Muluc, 
6  Is. 


13  Cimi. 
12  Cauac. 

1  Kan. 

2  Muluc. 
7  Is. 


13  Ezanab. 

13  Cauac. 
5  Kan. 
10  Muluc. 
2  Is. 


If  we  attempt  to  locate  these  in  the  same  cycle  as  the  preceding  period, 
Table  VIII.  we  shall  find  that  the  two  clash  with  each  other — that 
is,  that  some  of  the  years  of  the  first  are  the  same  as 
some  of  the  second;  but  it  is  evident  they  may  be  located 
in  another  cycle. 

Before  proceeding  further  with  the  discussion  of 
this  difficult  question,  we  must  remind  the  reader  of 
what  possibly  he  has  already  inferred — that  in  our 
allusion  to  the  “intervals’’  between  the  days  of  the  col¬ 
umns,  our  object  then  was  simply  to  show  a  regularity 
not  consistent  with  the  idea  that  they  were  used  on 
account  of  the  signification  of  the  words,  and  not  to 
lead  him  to  suppose  that  the  real  interval  intended  was 
only  the  number  of  days  mentioned.  We  also  wish  to 
call  his  attention  to  another  fact  which  is  becoming  more 
and  more  apparent  as  we  proceed — that  the  regularity 
of  the  intervals  which  seems  apparent,  whatever  may 
be  our  final  conclusion  as  to  what  the  black  numerals 
refer  to,  and  the  great  number  of  dates  as  compared  with 
the  text,  preclude  the  supposition  that  the  work  is  historical.  I  shall  there¬ 
fore  proceed  upon  the  theory  that  it  is,  to  a  large  extent  at  least,  a  kind  of 
religious  calendar — not  with  any  particular  desire  to  maintain  this  opinion, 


2 

5 

X 

0 

M 

1 

2 

0 

0 

4- 

5 

6 

7 

8 

I  °* 

10* 

11* 

12*^ 

1  13* 

1* 

3*s 

|  4* 

5* 

6* 

) 

11*> 

>  8* 

9* 

10* 

> 

>1 

>  12* 

13* 

1* 

3 

4 

5 

6 

( 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

THOMAS]  METHOD  OP  FINDING  DATES  INDICATED  BY  NUMERALS.  25 


Table  IX. 


but  simply  because  I  find  the  evidence  pointing  in  this  direction,  and  also 
that  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  advance  farther  without  having  some  theory. 

From  what  has  been  shown  it  is  apparent  that  the 
interpretation  I  have  given  is  a  possible  one,  the  chief 
objections  to  which  are,  first,  the  large  number  of  dates 
in  the  Manuscript  that  this  plan  would  give  us,  which, 
according  to  a  rough  calculation  I  have  made,  would 
amount  to  something  like  ten  thousand';  second ,  the  ex¬ 
tent  of  time  these  dates  must  necessarily  cover,  which 
cannot  be  less  than  one  great  cycle  of  312  years. 

The  Dresden  Codex,  which  is  evidently  similar  in 
character  to  the  Manuscript  Troano,  presents,  if  possi¬ 
ble,  still  greater  difficulties  to  the  settlement  of  this  ques¬ 
tion,  as  here  we  find  the  black  numeral  for  19  frequently 
connected  directly  with  the  red  ones.  But  so  far  as  I 
have  examined  dates  of  this  kind  they  do  not  appear  to 
be  necessarily  associated  with  the  day  characters  on  the 
same  page.  In  this  codex  the  dates  are  also  much  more 
numerous  than  in  the  Tro.  Ms.,  a  numbpr  of  pages  being 
filled  almost  exclusively  with  numerals  and  day  charac¬ 
ters.  Month  characters  are  also  introduced ;  hence  it  is 
probable  the  day  of  the  month  is  often  given. 

On  page  II  (Tro.  Ms.),  in  the  left  column,  middle 
division  (see  fig.  99),  the  days  (counting  from  the  top 
downwards)  are  Manik,  Cauac,1 * 3 1  Chuen,  Akbal,  Men, 
the  red  numeral  oV&r  the  column  1.  In  the  space  are  three  black  nume¬ 
rals  6,  11,  and  9,  also  two  red  ones  10  and  3.  Using  the  red  1  and  the 
black  6,  as  heretofore,  we  find  the  years" to  be  as  follows: 


Cauac. 

• 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

HH 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1* 

2* 

3* 

;  4# 

5* 

G* 

7* 

i  8* 

9* 

10* 

11* 

j  12* 

13* 

1# 

2* 

1  3* 

4* 

5* 

6*; 

i  7# 

!  8 

9 

10 

iiii12* 

13* 

1*5 

2* 

3* 

4# 

5* 

6* 

7* 

8* 

9* 

10* 

11* 

12* 

13* 

1* 

2* 

3* 

4* 

5* 

1  6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

1  Manik. 

Years _ 10  Cauac. 

Years _  2  Kan. 

Years - 13  Muluc. 

Years _ 5  lx. 


1  Cauac. 

5  Cauac. 

3  Kan. 

8  Muluc. 
13  lx. 


1  Chuen. 

6  Cauac. 
11  Kan. 

3  Muluc. 
1  lx. 


1  Akhal. 

1  Cauac. 
12  Kan. 

4  Muluc. 
9  lx. 


1  Men. 

2  Cauac. 
7  Kan. 
12  Muluc. 
4  lx. 


The  period  is  found  to  be  continuous,  and  is  surrounded  on  the  annexed 
table  (No.  IX)  by  a  continuous  dark  line.  In  this  case  it  commences  with 

1  Cauac  is  represented  here  by  an  unusual  character. 


26 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROAYO. 


Kan.  It  we  use  the  red  3  and  the  black  6  the  result  null  be  as  shown  in 
the  group  surrounded  on  the  table  by  the  dotted  line.  As  the  reader  is 
perhaps  bv  this  time  aware,  it  mig’ht  be  located  below  the  first  bv  extending 
the  table,  but  still  would  give  us  no  clue  to  the  proper  position  of  the 
Ahaues. 

There  are  two  other  possible  suppositions,  to  nut:  that  the  red  numeral 
over  the  column  refers  to  the  number  of  the  Ahau,  and  that  in  the  space  to 
the  number  of  the  days:  and,  second,  just  the  reverse  of  this,  that  the  red 
number  in  the  space  refers  to  the  Ahau  and  that  over  the  column  to  the 
number  of  the  days,  the  black  one  in  each  case  denoting  the  number  of  the 
month. 

As  it  null  be  impossible  for  us  to  decide  in  reference  to  these  supposi¬ 
tions  until  we  can  locate  the  Ahaues  and  determine  then  numbers,  I  will 
postpone  further  discussion  of  the  point  for  the  present,  proceeding  for  the 
time  being  upon  the  only  plan  so  far  found  consistent  with  what  is  known 
of  the  Maya  calendar. 

As  heretofore  stated,  the  greater  number  of  the  day  columns  contain 
lust  five  characters.  Whv  this  number  ?  If  we  use  the  numerals  as  shown 
bv  the  above  examples,  this  will  give  us  for  each  red  numeral  twenty  years, 
agreeing  with  the  number  counted  to  the  Ahau,  whether  we  follow  most 
authorities  or  Perez:  for.  according  to  the  latter,  who  holds  that  there  are 
twentv  four  years  in  this  period,  only  twenty  are  usually  “counted”;  four 
being  generallv  omitted  as  unlucky,  or  for  some  other  reason.  That  some¬ 
thing  of  this  kind,  arising  from  the  system  itself,  was  the  cause  of  placing 
five  davs  in  so  manv  columns  is  more  than  probable.  If  I  am  correct  in 
this  supposition,  it  not  onlv  agrees  with  the  method  of  using  the  numerals 
above  suggested,  but  it  will  also  determine  the  years  that  form  the  different 
Ahaues.  * 

Following  up  this  suggestion,  let  us  see  if  it  is  possible  to  determine 
from  the  Manuscript  the  length  of  the  Ahau  as  understood  by  the  author. 

As  the  most  likely  method  of  deciding  this  question,  I  will  select  a 
number  of  the  dav  columns,  find  from  them  the  years  indicated  according  to 
the  plan  heretofore  given,  and  locate  them  in  tables  of  years.  We  can  then 
see  what  relation  thev  bear  to  each  other. 


THOMAS.]  METHOD  OF  FIND  TNG  DATES  INDICATED  BY  KCMEEALS.  27 


o  o  o 

- - -—^3 


Table  X. 


The  first  I  select  is  found  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XXVI.  The 
column  is  as  here  shown — Fig.  6 — the  days  are  Ahau,  Eb.  Kan.  Cib.  Lamat. 

In  addition  to  these  red  numerals,  we  find  in  the  space  occu¬ 
pied  by  the  figures  five  black  and  five  red  nurner- 
rals,  each  thirteen.  Why  there  should  be  five 
pairs  of  numerals,  each  denoting  the  same  num 
ber,  I  confess  myself  unable  to  decide;  I  shall 
therefore  leave  this  question  to  be  discussed  here¬ 
after,  if  I  find  any  reasonable  explanation  Ac¬ 
cording  to  the  interpretation  already  given,  the 
red  numerals  indicate  the  days,  the  black  the 
months.  Hunting  out  the  years  as  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding  example  we  find  them  to  be  as  follows : 

13  Ahau.  13  JET*.  13  Kan.  13  Clb.  13  Lamat. 

Years.  .6  Canac.  7  Cauac.  2Cauac.  3  Cauac.  11  Canac. 

Years .  .4  Kan.  12  Kan.  7  Kan.  8  Kan.  3  Kan. 

Years.  .9  Mulue.  4  Maine.  5  Mulue.  13 IT nine.  1  Maine. 

Years..  1  lx.  2  lx.  10 lx.  olx.  G  Lx. 

Fig.  6.  These  years  are  marked  with  a  star  and  the 

group  surrounded  by  a  continuous  dark  line  on  the  an¬ 
nexed  table  of  years,  Xo.  X.  For  reasons  hereafter  given 
I  adopt  the  system  which  commences  the  cycle  with  1 
Cauac. 

As  Plate  XXVII  relates  obviously  to  the  same  gen¬ 
eral  subject,  I  select  the  left-hand  day  column  of  its  upper 
division  as  our  next  example.  The  days  are  Ahau,  Eb. 

Kan,  Cib,  and  Lamat,  the  same  as  in  the  preceding  exam¬ 
ple,  the  red  or  day  numeral  11,  the  black  or  month  nu¬ 
meral  13. 


These  give  us  the  following-  years; 


n 

—  X 

10  11 

12*  13* 

2* 

3*  4* 

5*  6* 

7*  8* 

9*  10* 

11*  12* 

13*  1* 

o*  3# 

4*  5* 

6  7 

8  9 

10  11 

12  13 

|  A  O*1 

3*  4* 

5*  6*1 

7*  8* 

9*  10*! 

11*12* 

13*  l*j 

2*  3* 

4*  5*i 

6*  7* 

8  9 

10  11 

12*  13* 

1*  2* 

3*  4* 

5*  6* 

7*  8* 

9*  10* 

li*  12* 

13*  1* 

2*  3* 

4*  5* 

6  7 

8  9 

10  11 

Days _ 11  Aliau. 

Veai-s _ 4  Cauac. 

Years ....  2  Kan. 
Years ....  7  Mnlue. 
Years _ 12  lx. 


ll  Eb. 

5  Canac. 
10  Kan. 

2  Mnlue. 
13  lx. 


11  Kan. 

13  Cauac. 
o  Kan. 

3  Mnlue. 
8  lx. 


11  Cib. 

1  Canac. 
6  Kan. 

11  Mnlue. 
3  lx. 


11  Lamat. 

9  Canac. 
1  Kan. 
12  Maine. 
4  lx. 


These  are  also  marked  on  the  annexed  table  with  a  star,  but  the  group 
is  surrounded  bv  a  dotted  line.  In  order  to  enable  the  reader  to  understand 


28 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


what  I  mean  by  “properly  locating”  these  periods,  I  have  extended  the 
table  so  as  to  include  one  complete  cycle,  the  close  of  another,  and  the  com¬ 
mencement  of  another.  I  have  also  located  this  last  period — as  a  matter  of 
course  according  to  the  years  obtained — in  the  only  two  possible  positions 
in  the  table;  surrounding  each  by  a  dotted  line.  If  the  table  had  been 
extended  it  could  of  course  have  been  located  in  other  cycles.  I  call  atten¬ 
tion  to  the  fact  that  both  these  periods  commence  with  a  Muluc  year,  which 
would  render  it  impossible  for  the  commencement  or  ending  of  an  Ahau,  if 
these  are  Ahaues,  to  coincide  with  the  commencement  or  ending  of  a  cycle 
or  grand  cycle.  If  we  suppose  the  Ahau  to  contain  twenty-four  years,  and 
the  periods  marked  on  Table  X  to  omit  two  years  at  the  commencement 
and  two  at  the  close ;  in  other  words,  extend  the  upper  and  lower  lines 
bounding  the  groups,  across  the  table,  we  will  then  have  no  difficulty  in 
making  all  the  periods  agree  with  each  other  and  with  the  cycles.  After 
all,  wre  are  not  yet  authorized  to  say  positively  that  these  periods  are  Ahaues, 
or  that  they  are  even  embraced  in  or  coincide  with  them;  still,  the  oft- 
repeated  live-character  day  columns,  and  the  resulting  groups  of  years, 
justify  us  in  assuming  that  they  do  at  least  coincide  with  them. 

Before  proceeding  further  in  our  discussion  of  the  Manuscript  it  will 
be  necessary  for  us  to  decide  in  reference  to  the  following  points  relating 
to  the  calendar  upon  which  we  have  incidentally  touched: 

First.  The  number  of  years  contained  in  an  Ahau. 

Second.  The  position  of  these  periods  in  the  grand  cycle  or  Ahau- 
Katun. 

Third.  The  respective  numbers  of  these  periods  as  thus  fixed  in  the 
Ahau-Katun. 

Fourth.  With  which  one  of  the  four  days  (year  bearers)  the  grand 
cycle  begins. 

That  the  older  authorities,  so  far  as  we  are  aware,  without  exception, 
give  20  years  as  the  length  of  an  Ahau,  is  admitted.  Landa,  for  example,® 
says  (in  §  XLI),  “The  Indians  had  not  only  the  computation  of  the  year 
and  the  months,  but  they  had  also  a  certain  manner  of  computing  the  times 
and  events  by  ages.  This  they  did  by  20  and  20  years,  computing  1 3 
twenties  with  one  of  the  twenty  letters  of  their  month  called  Ahau,  but 


THOMAS ] 


LENGTH  OF  THE  AHA  IT  OR  KATUN. 


29 


without  order,  and  alternate  only  as  on  the  boundary  of  the  wheel  afore¬ 
said.” 

Cogolludo  (Hist,  de  Yucathan,  Lib.  IV,  Cap.  5)  says: 

“They  compute  their  eras  and  ages,  which  they  write  down  in  their 
books,  by  20  and  20  years  and  by  lustres  of  4  and  4.  They  fix  the  first 
year  at  the  east,  to  which  they  give  the  name  Cuch-Jiaab.  The  second,  at 
the  west,  is  called  Hiix;  the  third,  at  the  south,  is  named  Cauac,  and  the 
fourth,  Muluc,  at  the  north.  Five  of  these  lustres  being  completed,  make 
twenty  years;  this  is  what  they  call  a  Katun.  They  place  a  sculptured 
stone  upon  another  stone,  equally  sculptured,  fixed  with  lime  and  sand  in 
the  walls,  of  the  temples.” 

The  Perez  manuscript,  as  is  well  known,  counts  twenty  years  to  an 
Ahau.  Most  of  the  recent  writers  have  also  decided  in  favor  of  the  same 
number.  Two  or  three  of  the  most  recent  authorities,  as  Dr.  Brinton, 
Charency,  and  Rosny,  are  disposed  to  follow  the  opinion  of  Perez,  that  it 
contained  twenty-four  years.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  opinion  which  holds 
twenty -four  years  to  be  the  number  is  the  correct  one,  and  will  now  pro¬ 
ceed  to  give  the  proof  I  have  been  able  to  obtain  bearing  upon  this  point. 

First.  If  I  am  correct  in  my  interpretation  of  the  numerals,  then  the 
groups  of  years  obtained  by  using  these,  as  heretofore  shown,  will  necessa¬ 
rily  require  twenty-four  years  to  the  Ahau,  no  matter  with  which  of  the 
four  year-bearing  days  we  begin  the  cycle;  for,  although  these  groups  con¬ 
tain  but  twenty  years  there  is  an  interval  of  four  years  between  each  two 
that  is  not  counted. 

Second.  The  method  of  numbering  these  periods  cannot,  as  I  believe, 
be  accounted  for  on  any  other  supposition.  According  to  all  authorities 
who  have  mentioned  the  subject  they  were  numbered,  as  I  have  already 
stated,  thus:  18,  11,  9,  7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2,  the  number  13  being 
the  first,  1 1  the  next,  and  so  on.  It  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose  that  this 
singular  series  was  wholly  an  arbitrary  selection;  on  the  contrary,  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  it  was  obtained  in  some  way  through  the  use  of 
the  “13  series.”  If  we  examine  the  table  of  years,  No.  XVII,  we  will  see 
that,  commence  where  we  may,  and  divide  it  into  periods  of  twenty-four 
years  by  transverse  lines,  the  first  years  of  these  periods  taken  in  the  order 
they  come  will  accord  exactly  with  this  series.  Take  for  example  the 


30 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Ahaues  as  there  given:  the  first  commences  with  the  j^ear  1  Cauac,  the 
second  with  12  Cauac,  the  third  with  10  Cauac,  and  so  on.  As  the  great 
cycle  contains  thirteen  of  these  periods,  it  follows  that  we  shall  find  all  these 
numbers  in  it  by  thus  dividing  it.  It  is  true  this  does  not  prove  that  the 
first  period  was  numbered  13;  moreover  it  is  .possible  (though  I  do  not 
think  probable)  that  the  number  was  not  taken  from  that  of  the  first  day  of 
the  year,  but  from  the  second,  as  suggested  by  Perez.  According  to  the 
theory  advanced  by  this  author  these  periods  were  numbered  from  the  sec¬ 
ond  day  of  the  Cauac  years,  which  would  necessarily  be  Ahau,  because, 
as  he  supposes,  some  notable  event  in  their  history  occurred  on  that  day. 
Even  on  this  supposition  the  series  could  not  commence  with  the  first  period 
of  the  grand  cycle,  as  this  would  be  Ahau  No.  2,  but  would  begin  with  the 
second,  which  would  be  Ahau  No.  13. 

It  may  not  be  improper  to  call  attention  at  this  point  to  a  remark  made 
by  Dr.  Valentini  in  his  article  on  the  Perez  manuscript  (Proc.  Am.  Ant.  Soc. 
No.  7  1):  “Nor  do  we  understand  the  reason  why,  just  here,  the  topic  of 
the  succession  of  the  numbers  13,  11,  9,  7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2,  was 
introduced.  Could  it  have  been  with  the  intention  of  showing  that  this 
singular  enumeration  of  alternating  Ahaues,  which  we  shall  hereafter  speak 
of,  occurred  only  in  cycles  of  twenty -four  years,  and  that  therefrom  a  proof 
might  be  derived  for  establishing  the  pretended  cycle  of  twenty-four  and 
three  hundred  and  twelve  years?  Evidence  of  this  should  have  been  given 
by  a  table  showing  the  series,  and  by  still  another  table  in  which  should 
be  shown  that  such  an  alternating  succession  did  not  occur  in  cycles  com¬ 
posed  of  twenty  years.  Not  one  single  fact  can  be  detected  in  Seilor  Perez’s 
text  by  which  the  long  established  assumption  of  a  twenty  years’  cycle  has 
been  disproved.” 

The  object  Senor  Perez  had  in  view  in  introducing  this  series  at  this 
point  was  for  the  very  purpose  of  showing  that  this  “singular  enumeration” 
could  be  obtained  only  by  dividing  the  series  into  periods  of  twenty-four 
years.  As  he  was  not  fortunate  enough  to  hit  upon  the  plan  of  a  table  that 
would  bring  this. clearly  before  the  eye,  I  call  attention  to  Table  XVII, 
which  meets  precisely  the  requirements  of  Dr.  Valentini.  Dividing  it  into 
periods  of  twenty-four  years  will  give  this  singular  enumeration,  while 
dividing  it  into  periods  of  twenty  years  will  not. 


THOMAS.] 


LENGTH  OF  THE  AHUA  OR  KATUN. 


31 


Third.  Additional  proof  to  the  same  effect  I  think  is  also  to  be  derived 
from  a  symbolical  figure  in  the  Manuscript  itself  The  most  notable  figure 
in  the  upper  compartment  of  Plate  XXIII  (our  Plate  IV)  is  the  blue  one  in 
the  upper  left-hand  corner  on  a  black  background  surrounded  by  a  white 
border,  the  latter  crossed  by  dotted  inys,  each  ray  terminating  with  a  little 
ring;  a  dagger  is  piercing  the  eye  of  the  blue  sitting  figure.  If  we  count 
these  clubbed  rays  we  shall  find  there  are  twenty-three  of  them,  but  exactly 
where  the  dagger  crosses  the  border  there  is  room  for  one  more  According 
to  my  interpretation  the  whole  of  this  figure  taken  together  is  a  symbol  of 
the  Katun  or  Ahau,  the  inner  blue  figure  probably  denoting  the  year.1 2  If 
I  am  correct  in  this  interpretation,  then  we  have  here  positive  evidence  that 
Perez  was  right  in  holding  that  the  Ahau  consisted  of  twenty-four  years. 
The  whole  figure  is  therefore  intended  to  indicate  the  close  of  an  Ahau; — 
when  one  more  year  has  expired  the  light  of  another  Ahau  will  be  forever 
‘extinguished  and  the  new  one  will  begin  its  course. 

We  find,  as  I  think,  something  similar  to  this  method  of  marking  the 
missing  }^ear  on  Plates  7f)  and  76  of  the  Borgian  Codex.  These  two  plates, 
which  are  evidently  parts  of  one  picture,  76  being  the  upper  and  75  the 
lower  part,  are  symbolic  representations  of  periods  of  time.  The  figures 
around  the  central  circle  of  76  are  probably  intended  to  represent  the 
marching  years.  There  are  only  twelve  of  them,  but  in  the  pathway  at  the 
bottom  we  see  the  footsteps  of  one  that  has  passed  on.  At  the  four  corners 
outside  the  circle  we  see  the  four  “year-bearers.”? 

On  Plate  75  the  chief  figure  is  that  of  Kingsborough’s  supposed  cruci¬ 
fied  Quetzalcoatl;  on  the  body  is  a  large  sun  or  circular  disk  with  seven 
points,  but  in  the  lower  margin,  where  there  is  the  proper  space  for  another, 
the  circle  is  pierced  by  the  obsidian  knife  of  the  priest  who  holds  the  with¬ 
drawn  heart  in  his  hand.  Around  the  figure  are  similar  but  smaller  disks; 
counting  these  we  find  there  are  eight ,  the  exact  number  of  points  required 
to  complete  the  central  disk,  and  the  number  of  periods  (Indications)  in  an 
age.  Possibly  other  periods  are  intended,  as  I  have  not  studied  the  Mexican 
Calendar  with  sufficient  care  to  express  any  decided  opinion  on  this  point; 

1  Foitunately,  the  correctness  of  this  supposition,  which  I  mentioned  in  an  article  in  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Naturalist  for  August,  1881,  has  since  been  verified  by  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton — “The  Books  of  Chilan 
Balam,”  p.  15. 

2  Not  those  usually  given,  but  those  evidently  used  for  this  purpose  in  this  and  other  codices. 


32 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


my  only  object  in  referring  to  these  plates  being  to  illustrate  the  idea  ad¬ 
vanced  in  regard  to  the  meaning  of  the  dagger  piercing  the  eye  of  the  blue 
figure  on  Plate  XXIII  of  the  Manuscript  Troano. 

The  next  point  to  be  determined  is  the  position  of  the  several  Ahaues 
in  the  grand  cycle.  This  larger  group,  as  admitted  by  all  authorities,  con¬ 
sisted  of  thirteen  Ahaues;  as  24  X  13  =312,  it  follows  that,  assuming  the 
Ahau  to  be  a  period  of  24  years,  this  longer  period  would  consist  of  312 
years.  If  the  first  year  of  the  grand  cycle  coincided  with  the  first  year 
of  an  Ahau,  the  position  of  these  latter  groups  would  be  determined  by 
simply  dividing  the  former  into  groups  of  24  years,  as  shown  in  Table  No. 
XVI,  where  the  dark  transverse  lines  mark  the  divisions  between  the  Ahaues 
as  thus  obtained.  This  conclusion  is  so  natural  that  it  would  seem  to  follow 
as  a  matter  of  course  from  the  numbers  used,  and  from  the  fact  that  the 
number  of  years  in  a  grand  cycle  is  an  exact  multiple  of  the  number  of 
years  in  an  Ahau. 

But  as  Senor  Perez,  who  is  our  chief  authority  for  what  pertains  to  the 

Maya  calendar,  has  advanced  a  different  opinion,  and  as  his  suggestion 

* 

affords  a  means  of  escape  from  a  very  serious  difficulty,  I  will  call  attention 
to  it  before  deciding  as  to  which  I  believe  to  be  the  true  method  of  locating 
these  periods.  But  in  order  that  his  theory  may  be  clearly  understood  it  is 
necessary  for  us  first  to  determine  the  dominical  day  with  which  the  first 
years  of  the  Ahaues  commenced;  for  it  is  evident,  whether  we  count  twenty 
or  twenty-four  years  to  these  periods — as  each  is  a  multiple  of  4 — that  if 
they  followed  each  other  in  regular  order  the  first  year  of  each  would  begin 
with  the  same  dominical  day  though  not  the  same  number.  In  other  words, 
if  one  of  the  series  began  with  a  Kan  year  all  the  rest  would  begin  with  a 
Kan  year.  If  the  first  year  of  a  cycle  were  also  the  first  year  of  an  Ahau, 
as  we  would  naturally  presume,  then  determining  the  first  year  of  any  one 
will  determine  all  the  others. 

In  the  manuscript  discovered  by  Perez  and  translated  into  English  by 
Stephens  (from  the  Spanish  translation  of  the  discoverer),  we  find  the  fol¬ 
lowing  statement.:  “In  the  13th  Ahau  Chief  Ajpula  died.  Six  years  were 
wanting  to  complete  the  13 th  Ahau.  This  year  was  counted  toward  the  east 
of  the  wheel  and  began  on  the  4th  Kan.  Ajpula  died  on  the  18th  day  of 
the  month  Zip  on  the  9th  Ymix.”  Taking  for  granted  that  the  day,  the 


THOMAS.] 


FIRST  YEAR  OF  THE  AHAU, 


33 


number  of  the  day,  and  the  month  as  given  here  are  correct,  it  is  easy  to 
determine  from  our  condensed  calendar  that  the  year  must  necessarily  have 
been  4  Kan.  As  there  were  twenty -four  years  in  an  Ahau,  and  six  were 
yet  wanting  to  complete  that  referred  to  in  the  quotation,  it  follows  of  neces¬ 
sity  this  4  Kan  was  the  18th  and  that  this  Ahau  must  have  commenced  with 
the  year  13  Cauac  and  ended  with  10  lx.  This  will  be  seen  by  making  a 
list  of  the  years  in  regular  succession,  so  that  4  Kan  shall  be  the  18th4  We 
give  such  a  list  here  (Table  No.  XI),  marking  in  italics  the  4  Kan. 

Table  XI. 

1— 13  Cauac. 

2 —  1  Kan. 

3 —  2  Muluc. 

4—  3  lx. 

5 —  4  Cauac. 

6—  5  Kan. 

7—  6  Muluc. 

8—  7  lx. 

9—  8  Cauac. 

10 —  9  Kan. 

11— 10  Muluc. 

12— 11  lx. 

13— 12  Cauac. 

14— 13  Kan. 

15 —  1  Muluc. 

1G—  2  lx. 

17 —  3  Cauac. 

18—  4  Kan. 

19 —  5  Muluc. 

20—  6  lx. 

21 —  7  Cauac. 

22 —  8  Kan. 

23 —  9  Muluc. 

24— 10  lx. 

If  we  place  these  years  in  tabular  form,  as  heretofore  given,  the  Ahau 
will  be  in  the  form  shown  in  the  annexed  table  (XII).  Here,  then,  we 
3  M  T 


34 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


have  positive  evidence,  if  to  be  relied  on,  that  this  Ahau  at  least  commenced 
with  a  Cauac  year  (whether  the  Ahau  contained  24  or  20  years),  and,  if  so, 
all  the  others  of  the  series. 

A  somewhat  careful  examination  of  Senor  Perez’s  Cronologia  Antigua 
satisfies  me  that  his  whole  scheme  was  based  upon  what 
he  believed  to  be  two  established  facts:  first,  that  the 
Ahaues  commenced  with  a  Cauac  year;  and,  second ,  that 
they  were  numbered  from  the  second  day  of  these  years. 

I  am  pretty  well  satisfied  from  some  things  observ¬ 
able  in  the  Manuscript  Troano  that  it  recognizes  Cauac 
as  the  dominical  day  of  the  first  year  of  the  Ahaues. 
First.  The  order  of  the  four  plates  XX-XXXII,  which 
refer  exclusively  to  the  four  dominical  days.  That  Bras- 
seur  has  paged  these  plates  in  exactly  the  reverse  order 
to  what  they  should  be,  I  think  is  evident  from  the  fol¬ 
lowing  facts:  As  now  paged  they  bring  these  days  in  the  following  order: 
lx,  Muluc,  Kan,  Cauac,  exactly  the  reverse  of  that  in  which  they  come 
in  the  calendar.  This  alone  is  sufficient  to  cause  us  to  suspect  a  reversal. 
But  it  is  not  the  only  reason  for  believing  this.  If  we  folloAv  the  order  of 
the  plates  in  marking  the  years,  we  obtain  no  continuous  period,  as  is  evi¬ 
dent  from  the  annexed  Table  XIII. 

Second.  The  numeral  (l),  over  the  second  Cauac  character  on  Plate 
XXIII  (our  Plate  IV)  and  also  that  over  the  fifth  Muluc  character  on  Plate 
XXI  (our  Plate  II)  is  surrounded  in  each  case  with  a  circle  of  minute 
dots.  Although  there  are  other  numeral  characters  on  these  four  plates 
denoting  one ,  none  except  these  two  are  thus  distinguished.  What  is  this 
intended  to  signify?  My  answer  is,  it  signifies  that  those  two  years  are 
the  first  of  important  periods  that  are  included  in,  or  at  least  begin  in, 
the  time  embraced  by  these  four  plates.  Now  let  us  test  this  by  giving  two 
tables  embracing  the  period  covered  by  them,  marking  the  Ahaues  on  one 
according  to  the  plan  I  have  given,  and  on  the  other  according  to  Senor 
Perez’s  method. 

Table  XIV  commences  with  a  Cauac  year,  and  is  of  the  usual  form, 
as  heretofore  given.  Table  XV  begins  with  a  Kan  year,  and  is  made  in 


Table  XII. 


Cauac. 

d 

M 

c5 

£ 

s 

W 

rH 

13 

l 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4* 

5 

0 

7 

8 

9 

10 

THOMAS.] 


FIRST  YEAR  OF  THE  AHAU. 


35 


accordance  with  the  theory  advanced  by  Perez,  who  holds  that  the  cycle 
began  with  a  Kan  year,  although  contending  that  the  Aliaues  commenced 

Table  XIII.  Table  XIV.  Table  XV. 


hH 

Muluc. 

Kan. 

Oauac. 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

rr 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

W\ 

11 

F 

13 

1 

2 

1  3 

4 

5 

6 

:  7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

i  2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

36 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


with  a  Canac  year.  On  each,  the  divisions  between  the  Ahaues  are  marked 
by  solid,  heavy,  black  lines;  the  usually  counted  twenty  years  of  each  are 
surrounded  by  a  single  dotted  line,  and  the  period  covered  by  the  four 
plates  by  a  continuous  waved  line.  The  point  at  which  the  grand  cycle 

begins  is  marked  thus:  - :o: - .  If  we  examine  Table  XIV  we  see  that 

1  Cauac  is  the  first  year  of  a  cycle,  and  1  Muluc  the  first  of  the  usually 
“counted  years”  of  an  Ahau,  and  that  both  are  within  the  period  covered 
by  the  four  plates;  each  is  surrounded  by  a  ring  in  order  to  designate  it 
As  a  matter  of  course,  each  is  the  first  year  of  an  “Indication”  or  week  of 
years;  so  are  1  Kan  and  1  lx  in  the  same  period,  yet  neither  of  these  is 
thus  distinguished. 

If  we  turn  now  to  Table  XV,  in  which  the  cycle  begins  with  a  Kan 
year,  we  can  see  no  reason  why  either  the  1  Cauac  or  the  1  Muluc  in  the 
period  embraced  by  the  waved  line  should  have  any  special  mark  of  dis¬ 
tinction. 

It  is  proper  to  state  here  that  unit  numerals  surrounded  in  a  similar 
manner  by  a  circle  of  dots,  are  to  be  found  on  other  plates  where  it  is  diffi¬ 
cult  to  apply  the  theory  here  advanced. 

Another  difficulty  which  arises,  if  we  adopt  Perez’s  theory,  is  that  the 
last  Ahau  of  a  grand  cycle  does  not  close  with  the  end  of  that  period,  but 
includes  one  or  more  years  of  the  following,  according  to  the  place  the 
division  begins. 

Taking  all  these  facts  into  consideration,  it  appears  that  the  calendar 
system  followed  by  the  author  of  the  Troano  Manuscript  commenced  the 
cycles  and  the  Ahaues  with  a  Cauac  year.  I  think,  therefore,  the  evidence 
that  the  Ahaues  at  least  began  with  a  Cauac  year  is  too  strong  to  leave  any 
doubt  on  this  point. 

As  bearing  upon,  and,  as  I  believe,  tending  strongly  to  confirm  this 
conclusion,  I  will  introduce  here  some  examples  from  the  Manuscript. 

In  the  second  division  of  Plates  XXX  and  XXXI,  commencing  on  the 
left  half  of  the  former  and  continuing  through  the  latter,  we  observe  a  series 
of  figures  all  similar  to  each  other,  except  the  one  to  the  right  on  Plate 
XXX,  which  is  the  long-nosed  god. 

Over  each  figure,  except  one,  there  is  a  red  numeral,  but  these  differ 


THOMAS.] 


FIRST  YEAR  OF  THE  AHAU. 


37 


from  each  other  in  the  numbers  indicated.  In  front  of  eacli  face  is  the 
black  numeral  character  for  11.  The  red  numerals  are  (?),  9,  7,  5,  3.  The 
first  is  obliterated,  but  if  we  judge  by  the  space  it  would  be  1,  if  by  the 
order,  1  i  ;  but  since  the  result  will  be  the  same,  except  as  to  the  position 
of  the  period  obtained  by  this  one  in  the  table  of  years,  it  makes  no  par¬ 
ticular  difference  for  the  present  purpose  which  we  assume  is  correct. 
Assuming  11  to  be  the  missing  one,  the  numbers  of  the  days  will  then  be 
11,  9,  7,  5,  3. 

The  days  in  the  column  at  the  left  of  the  compartment  on  Plate  XXXI 
are  Kan,  Cib,  Lamat,  Ahau,  and  Eb.  Hunting  out  the  years  in  the  manner 
heretofore  described,  we  find  them  to  be  as  follows: 


11  Ean.  11  Cib. 

f  Years -  1  Catiac.  2  Cauac. 

i  Years....  0  Kan.  7  Kan. 

^  '  j  Years  ....  4  Muluc.  12  Muluc. 

[  Years -  9  lx.  4  lx. 


11  Lamat. 

10  Cauac. 

2  Kan. 

13  Muluc. 

5  lx. 


11  Ahau. 
5  Cauac. 
3  Kan. 

8  Muluc. 
13  lx. 


11  Eb. 
G  Cauac. 
11  Kan. 

3  Muluc. 
1  lx. 


9  Ean. 

C  Years _ 12  Cauac. 

j  Years _ 4  Kan. 

^  ^  "j  Years  ....  2  Muluc. 
[  Years - 7  lx. 


9  Cib. 
13  Cauac. 
5  Kan. 
10  Muluc. 
2  lx. 


9  Lamat. 
8  Cauac. 
13  Kan. 

11  Muluc. 
3  lx. 


9  Ahau. 
3  Cauac. 
1  Kan. 

G  Muluc. 
11  lx. 


9  Eb. 
4  Cauac. 
9  Kan. 

1  Muluc. 
12  lx. 


7  Ean.  7  Cib. 

f  Years - 10  Cauac.  11  Cauac. 

j  Years _  2  Kan.  3  Kan. 

^  '  j  Years  ....  13  Muluc.  8  Muluc. 

i  Years _  5  lx.  13  lx. 


7  Lamat. 

G  Cauac. 
11  Kan. 

9  Muluc. 
1  lx. 


7  Ahau. 
1  Cauac. 
12  Kan. 

4  Muluc. 
9  lx. 


7  Eb. 
2  Cauac. 
7  Kan. 
12  Muluc. 

10  lx. 


5  Ean.  5  Cib. 

^  Y'ears _  8  Cauac.  9  Cauac. 

j  Years _ 13  Kan.  1  Kan. 

1  Years  ....  11  Muluc.  G  Muluc. 

I  Years -  3  lx.  11  lx. 


5  Lamat. 

4  Cauac. 
9  Kan. 

7  Muluc. 
12  lx. 


5  Ahau. 

12  Cauac. 
10  Kan. 

2  Muluc. 
7  lx. 


5  Eb. 
13  Cauac. 
5  Kan. 
10  Muluc. 
8  lx. 


3  Ean. 

f  Years _  6  Cauac. 

j  Years _ 11  Kan. 

'  '  "j  Years _  9  Muluc. 

I  Years _  1  lx. 


3  Cib. 
7  Cauac. 
12  Kan. 

4  Muluc. 
9  lx. 


3  Lamat. 

2  Cauac. 
7  Kan. 

5  Muluc. 
10  lx. 


3  Ahau. 

10  Cauac. 
8  Kan. 
13  Muluc. 
5  lx. 


3  Eb. 

11  Cauac. 
3  Kan. 

8  Muluc. 
G  lx. 


In  order  to  show  the  position  of  these  groups  in  the  series  of  years, 
and  how  they  stand  in  reference  to  eacli  other,  I  give  here  a  table  (XVI) 
covering  one  entire  grand  cycle,  and  including  the  last  cycle  of  the  pre- 


38 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Table  XVI. 


Cauac. 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

M 

h- 1 

o 

a 

3 

O 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

M 

M 

1 

2 

3 

4 

i 

2 

3 

4 

5 

0 

7 

8 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

8 

9 

i  10 

111 

12 

13 

1 

2 

12 

13 

1 

2  ■ 

3 

4 

5 

G 

I  3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

CO, 

1  7 

8 

9 

1011 

11 

12 

13 

1 

11 

12 

13 

ill 

2 

3 

4 

5 

!  O 

3 

j:  4 

5 

0 

7 

8 

9 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

10 

11 

12 

13; 

- :o: - 

S' 

1  1 

2 

3 

4: 

1 

2 

3 

4 

'' — 

:  5 

G 

7 

8: 

5 

0 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

j  9 

10 

11 

12: 

13 

1 

9! 

3 

13 

.  1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

4 

5 

|  G 

7 1| 

8 

9 

10 

11 

1  8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

-« 

2 

12 

13 

1 

21: 

3 

4 

5 

G 

1  3 

4 

5 

0 

7 

8 

9 

10 

j  7 

8 

9 

id 

11 

12 

13 

1 

ill 

12 

ll  13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

2 

3 

ij  4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

j  G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

10 

11 

12 

13 II 

CO 


Cauac. 

Kan. 

d 

zl 

hH 

|  1 

2 

[T 

_ 

5 

c 

7 

8 

1  9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

J5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

[lO 

11 

12 

13 

- :o: - 

■ 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

THOMAS.] 


FIRST  YEAR  OF  THE  AUAU. 


39 


ceding  and  the  first  cycle  of  the  following-  grand  cycles.  As  I  have  as¬ 
sumed  that  the  cycle  (and  hence  the  great  cycle)  commenced  with  the 
year  1  Cauac,  it  follows  that,  in  carrying  out  the  above  supposition,  the 
first  Ahau  of  the  series  must  also  begin  with  this  year.  The  divisions  be¬ 
tween  the  Aliaues  are  marked  on  the  table  by  transverse  solid  black  lines. 
The  point  at  which  the  first  great  cycle  ends  and  the  next  (which  is  given 
complete)  begins  is  marked  thus :  - :o: - .  I  next  locate  the  fore¬ 

going  groups  of  years  so  as,  if  possible,  not  to  clash  with  each  other,  and 
also  in  such  a  manner  that  the  period  represented  by  a  group  shall  fall 
within  one  of  the  Aliaues  marked  off  on  the  table. 

Each  group  is  surrounded  by  a  continuous  dark  line,  so  as  to  be  easily 
distinguished  from  other  periods  marked  on  the  same  table;  they  are  also 
numbered  at  the  sides  thus:  (11),  (9),  (7),  (5),  (3),  these  numbers  corre¬ 
sponding  with  the  day  numbers  by  which  the  different  groups  were 
obtained. 

These  groups,  each  consisting  of  twenty  years,  not  only  fall  within  the 
lines  marking  the  Katunes,  but  come  in  regular  succession,  leaving  four 
uncounted  years  between  each  two  periods — two  belonging  to  one  and  two 
to  that  which  follows.  In  other  words,  while  the  Katun  or  Ahau  as  a  whole, 
according  to  the  theory  upon  which  I  am  now  proceeding,  always  com¬ 
menced  with  a  Cauac  year,  the  twenty  “counted  years”  in  the  present 
example  begin  with  a  Muluc  year.  But,  as  appears  from  what  has  already 
been  shown,  this  is  not  always  true  in  regard  to  these  periods,  yet  it  is  gen¬ 
erally  the  case. 

If  we  observe  carefully  the  five  figures  in  the  first  or  uppermost  division 
of  the  plates  under  consideration,  we  see  that  they  correspond  in  character 
to  those  in  the  second  division  to  which  we  have  just  alluded,  and  that  the 
black  numeral  is  also  the  same,  (11).  The  only  red  numerals  recognizable 
are  the  13  over  the  long-nosed  god  on  Plate  XXX,  the  8  facing  the  left- 
hand  figure  on  Plate  XXXI,  and  the  2  over  the  left-hand  figure  on  Plate 
XXX.  According  to  the  arrangement  of  the  numbers  in  the  second  divis¬ 
ion,  those  in  this  division  would  be  8,  6,  4,  2,  13,  reading  from  left  to  right. 
If  we  assume  these  numbers  to  be  correct,  and  the  days  to  be  Eb,  Kan, 


40  A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Cib,  Lamat, 

and  Ahau, 

as  shown  by  those  not 

obliterated,  the 

years  would 

be  as  follows: 

13  Eb. 

13  Kan. 

13  Cib. 

13  Lamat. 

13  Ahau. 

{  Years . . . 

.  8  Cauac. 

3  Cauac. 

4  Cauac. 

12  Cauac. 

7  Cauac. 

1 ,,  i  Years. . . 
6  1  Years... 

.13  Kan. 

8  Kan. 

9  Kan. 

4  Kan. 

5  Kan. 

.  5  Muluc. 

6  Muluc. 

1  Muluc. 

2  Muluc. 

10  Muluc. 

[  Years. . . 

.  3  lx. 

11  lx. 

6  lx. 

7  Tx. 

2  lx. 

8  Eb. 

8  Kan. 

8  Cib. 

8  Lamat. 

8  Ahau. 

{  Years. . . 

.  3  Cauac. 

11  Cauac. 

12  Cauac. 

7  Cauac. 

2  Cauac. 

i  Years . . . 

.  8  Kan. 

3  Kan. 

4  Kan. 

12  Kan. 

13  Kan. 

)  Years... 

.  13  Muluc. 

1  Muluc. 

9  Muluc. 

10  Muluc. 

5  Muluc. 

Years . . . 

.11  lx. 

GIx. 

1  lx. 

2  lx. 

10  lx. 

6  Eb. 

6  Kan. 

6  Cib. 

6  Lamat. 

6  Ahau . 

\  Years. . . 

.  1  Cauac. 

9  Cauac. 

10  Cauac. 

5  Cauac. 

13  Cauac. 

j  Years. . . 
Years... 

.  0  Kan. 

1  Kan. 

2  Kan. 

10  Kan. 

11  Kan. 

.11  Muluc. 

12  Muluc. 

7  Muluc. 

8  Muluc. 

3  Muluc. 

1  Years  . . 

.  9  lx. 

4  lx. 

12  lx. 

13  lx. 

8  lx. 

4  Eb. 

4  Ka  n  . 

4  Cib. 

4  Lamat. 

4  Ahau. 

C  Years . . . 

.  12  Cauac. 

7  Cauac. 

8  Cauac. 

3  Cauac. 

11  Cauac. 

!  Years. . . 

.  4  Kan. 

12  Kan. 

13  Kan. 

8  Kan. 

9  Kan. 

)  Years. . . 

.  9  Muluc. 

10  Muluc. 

5  Muluc. 

6  Muluc. 

1  Muluc. 

1  Years . .  - 

.  7  lx. 

2  lx. 

10  lx. 

11  lx. 

6  lx. 

2  Eb. 

2  Kan. 

2  Cib. 

2  Lamat. 

2  Ahau. 

C  Years . . . 

.  10  Cauac. 

5  Cauac. 

6  Cauac. 

1  Cauac. 

9  Cauac. 

1  Years. . . 

.  2  Kan. 

10  Kan. 

11  Kan. 

6  Kan. 

7  Kan. 

J|  Years. . . 

.  7  Muluc. 

8  Muluc. 

3  Muluc. 

4  Muluc. 

12  Muluc. 

(  Years. . . 

.  5  lx. 

13  lx. 

8  lx. 

9  lx. 

4  lx. 

Locating  these  on  the  same  table  (XVI)  as  shown  by  the  groups  sur¬ 
rounded  by  dotted  lines,  we  find  that  they  follow  each  other  in  precisely  the 
same  order  as  the  other  groups.  As  these  groups  all  fit  into  the  Ahaues  as 
I  have  divided  them  off,  we  have  in  this  fact  a  strong  presumption  that  our 
division  is  correct;  still,  it  is  proper  to  state  here,  as  will  be  shown  here¬ 
after,  that  all  these  periods  will  also  fit  into  the  Ahaues  if  the  grand  cycle 
is  divided  according  to  the  theory  advanced  by  Senor  Perez.  Yet,  even  on 
this  plan,  these  periods  begin  with  Cauac  years  and  have  the  same  num¬ 
bers;  the  only  difference  between  the  plans,  so  far  as  this  matter  is  con¬ 
cerned,  is  that  equivalents  do  not  occupy  precisely  the  same  position  in  the 
grand  cycle,  but  overlap  each  other  three  years. 


T1I0MAS.] 


FIE  ST  YEAE  OF  THE  AHAU. 


41 


Whether  the  Dresden  Codex  commences  the  series  with  the  same  year 
as  the  Manuscript  Troano  is  a  point  not  yet  decided;  but  from  what  is 
shown  on  Plates  25-28,  Kan  does  not  appear  to  be  the  first.  I  think  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  these  four  plates  represent  the  fetes  and  ceremonies  of 
the  supplementary  days  described  by  Landa  (Relac.  de  las  cosas,  §§  XXXV- 
XXXVIII).  The  reasons  for  this  opinion  will  be  given  hereafter.  It  is 
evident  from  the  day-characters  in  the  left-hand  column  that  the  plates  are 
numbered  in  the  proper  order.  These  days — of  which  there  are  but  two 
on  a  plate,  though  each  is  repeated  thirteen  times— are  probably  the  last 
two  of  the  supplementary  days  of  the  year.  As  those  on  Plate  25  are  Eb 
and  Been  the  year  denoted  must  be  Muluc  or  lx;  that  is,  the  closing  Muluc 
year  or  commencing  lx  year.  It  is  quite  plain  that  the  year  Kan  is  not 
the  one  denoted.  As  I  will  refer  more  at  length  to  these  plates  hereafter  I 
will  not  undertake  to  determine  anything  further  concerning  them  here,  my 
only  object  at  present  being  to  show  that  neither  Codex  appears  to  com¬ 
mence  the  series  of  years  with  Kan. 

Before  closing  the  discussion  in  reference  to  the  dominical  day  of  the 
first  year  of  the  Aliau,  it  is  proper  to  call  attention  to  what  Cogulludo  says 
on  this  point.  According  to  his  statement  in  a  quotation  from  his  work, 
found  elsewhere  in  this  paper,  the  Indians  fixed  the  first  year  of  these 
periods  to  the  east,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  Cuch-Jiaab  ;  the  second, 
called  HUx,  they  placed  at  the  west;  the  third,  named  Cauac ,  at  the  south, 
and  the  fourth,  Muluc ,  at  the  north.  It  is  evident  that  Cucb-haab  here  is 
the  equivalent  of  Kan,  and  if  we  take  the  numbers  as  this  author  gives 
them,  Kan  would  be  the  first,  but  the  order  in  which  the  other  three  follow 
each  other  would  not  agree  with  that  found  in  the  calendar.  If  we  com¬ 
mence  with  Kan  and  follow  the  order  of  these  years  as  given  in  the  calen¬ 
dar,  the  order  of  the  cardinal  points  would  then  be  east,  north,  west,  south. 
It  is  apparent  therefore  that  this  statement  throws  but  little  if  any  light  on 
the  subject.  It  is  well  known  that  the  south,  at  which  Cauac  was  placed, 
was,  to  some  of  the  Maya  nations  at  least,  the  point  of  departure  or  chief 
cardinal  point.  We  have  therefore  as  much  authority  for  assuming  it  as  the 
first  of  these  periods  as  the  simple  fact  that  Cogulludo  gives  Kan  as  the  first, 
especially  as  the  number  he  gives  applied  to  the  lusters. 


42 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Our  next  step  is  to  determine  the  respective  numbers  of  the  Aliaues  as 
located  in  the  grand  cycle. 

We  start  as  a  matter  of  course  with  the  understanding  that  the  num¬ 
bers  were  as  heretofore  stated — 13,  11,  9,  7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2 — and 
that  they  always  followed  each  other  in  the  order  here  given;  that  is  to  say, 
1  always  followed  3,  12  always  followed  1,  and  so  on. 

On  folios  71,  72,  and  73  of  the  Dresden  Oodex  we  find  the  following 


Commencing  with  the  left-hand  figure  and  reading  to  the  right,  the 
numbers  given  in  them  are  11,  13,  2,  4,  6,  8,  10,  12,  1,  3,  5,  7;  in  the  lower 
right-hand  corner  of  page  73  we  find  the  missing  9.  The  fact  that  the  order 
is  here  reversed,  if  read  from  left  to  right,  is  no  evidence  that  this  is  the 
order  in  which  the  Ahaues  (if  these  figures  refer  to  these  periods)  followed 
each  other,  as  it  is  possible  they  should  be  read  from  right  to  left.  But 
the  fact  that  we  here  find  thirteen  peculiar  figures,  with  the  knot  de¬ 
noting  the  tying  of  years  or  period  of  years,  with  numbers  following  each 
other  in  the  order,  whether  direct  or  reversed,  of  those  used  in  numbering 
the  Ahaues,  is  sufficient  to  justify  us  in  believing  that  they  refer  to  these 
periods.  The  only  reason  I  see  for  any  doubt  as  to  the  correctness  of  this 
conclusion  is  that  on  pages  62  and  63  we  find  similar  figures  containing 
numeral  characters  for  16,  15,  17,  and  19,  numbers  that  cannot  refer  to  the 
Ahaues.  Possibly  they  may  be  used  to  designate  the  years  of  the  Ahaues, 
but  be  this  as  it  may,  a  close  inspection  of  the  knots  will  show  that  they 
are  different  from  those  on  pages  71,  72,  and  73. 

Knowing  the  order  in  which  they  follow  each  other,  it  is  evident  that 
if  we  can  determine  the  number  of  any  one  in  the  series  it  is  a  very  simple 
matter  to  number  all  the  rest. 

As  the  possibility  of  our  being  able  to  compare  dates  of  the  Maya 
system  with  those  of  the  Christian  era  depends  on  the  correct  determination 
of  this  point,  I  will  give  not  only  my  own  conclusion,  illustrating  it  by 
means  of  a  table  (XVII),  but  will  also  show  the  result  of  following  out 


THOMAS.] 


METHOD  OF  NUMBEBING  THE  AHAUES. 


43 


Senior  Perez’s  theory,  the  only  other  possible  one,  so  far  as  I  am.  able  to 
see,  illustrating  it  also  by  tables  (XVIII  and  XIX). 

According  to  the  statement  in  the  Perez  manuscript  already  quoted, 
Chief  Ajpula  died  in  the  13th  Ahau  in  the  year  4  Kan,  and  there  were 
six  years  wanting  to  complete  this  Ahau.  As  it  appears  more  than  prob¬ 
able,  judging  by  the  contents  of  the  manuscript  itself,  that  it  was  written 
soon  after  the  Spaniards  came  into  possession  of  the  peninsula,  we  may,  I 
think,  rely  upon  this  date  as  correctly  given,  although  the  manuscript  is 
evidently  confused  and,  in  some  respects,  inaccurate  and  even  contradictory. 

If  the  grand  cycle  was  divided  into  Ahaues  of  twenty -four  years  each, 
as  heretofore  suggested,  and  as  shown  in  the  annexed  table  (XVII),  it 
follows  that  the  one  in  which  this* event  occurred  must  necessarily  have 
been  that  which  I  have  numbered  XIII,  as  there  is  no  other  one  in  the 
entire  grand  cycle  that  has  six  years  remaining  after  the  year  4  Kan. 

Each  of  the  tables  (XVII,  XVIII,  XIX)  includes  one  entire  grand 
cycle,  also  one  cycle  of  the  preceding  and  one  of  the  following  grand 
cycles.  The  commencement  and  ending  of  the  grand  cycles  are  marked 

thus :  - :o: - ;  the  divisions  between  the  Ahaues  are  marked  by  solid 

black  transverse  lines,  each  group  of  the  usually  counted  years  is  sur¬ 
rounded  by  a  single  dotted  line;  the  period  embraced  by  Plates  XX-XXIII 
(our  Plates  I-IV)  is  surrounded  by  a  single  waved  line;  the  Ahaues  are 
numbered  with  Roman  numerals. 

Table  XVII  begins  with  a  Cauac  year,  and  is  made  in  accordance 
with  the  theory  I  have  advanced.  Tables  XVIII  and  XIX  commence 
with  a  Kan  year,  and  are  made  in  accordance  with  the  theory  advanced 
by  Perez ;  XIX,  upon  the  assumption  that  the  first  Ahau  commenced 
with  the  fourth  year  of  the  grand  cycle;  XVIII,  upon  the  theory  that  it 
began  with  the  last  year  of  the  preceding  grand  cjmle,  as  one  of  these  two 
plans  must  be  adopted  to  carry  out  his  theory. 


44 


A  STUDY  OF  TIIE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Table  XVII. 


Cauac. 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

X* 

HH 

i  1 

2j 

3 

4 

i615 

5 

0 

1  7 

8 

!  9 

10 

11 

12 

T3 

1 

2 

3 : 

4 

5 

V 

G 

7 

j  8 

9 

10 

11 

\l2 

13 

1 

2 

1639 

3 

4 

1  5 

G 

i  7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1  ! 

2 

i 

3 

[i 

4 

5 

j  G 

7 

8 

9 

110 

11 

12 

13 

1 

- :( 

2 

): - 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

Cauac. 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

hH 

:  1 

j  5 

1  9 

13 

|  4 

2 

G 

10 

1 

3 

7 

£ 

11 

2 

4: 

8 

12 

3 1 

5j 

G 

7 

1423 

»l 

9 

TO 

11: 

12 

13 

1 

2| 

!  3 

4 

5 

G; 

VBEI 

i  *7 

8 

9 

10 

111 

12 

13 

1 

1  2 

3 

4 

5 

m  7 

6 

7 

1  8 

9 

TO 

11 

12 

13 

V 

a 

|  1 

2 

3 

4 

:  s 

G 

7 

8; 

j  9 

10 

11 

12: 

13 

1: 

2 

3 

1471 

4 

5 

1  0 

7: 

1  8 

9 

10 

11  ;• 

12 

13 

1 

2l 

av 

1  3 

4 

5 

6; 

j  7 

8 

9 

10  i 

T1 

12l 

13 

1 

1495 

2 

3 

j  4 

5j 

1  6 

7 

8 

91 

i 

* 

TO 

11 

12 

13: 

Cauac. 

Kan. 

d 

r* 

w 

:  1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

IS 

G  |  7 

8: 

9 

10 ; 

11 

12 

1519  I 

JL3| 

1  1 

|  2 

3 

:  4 

5 

6 

7  : 

i  8 

9 

10 

11  i 

12 

XI 

13 

HI 

1 

2 

3 

t4 

5 

G 

:  7 

81 

9 

10 

12 

1 13 

l| 

]  2 

3 

4 

6; 

j  G 

7 

8 

9 

llO 

11 

12 

13 1 

s 

e 

i  1 

2 

3 

4 

i  5 

6! 

7 

8 

1567 

9 

10 

jlT 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3: 

i  4 

5 

6 

>  7l 

1  8 

1 

9 

V 

10 

11  i 

i  12 

13 

1 

2\ 

i  3 

4 

5 

G 

1591  I 

7 

8 

9' 

iO; 

ill 

12 

13 

1 

i  0 

3 

4 

5l 

VII 

1  6 

7 

8 

9| 

TO 

11 

12 

13 

Year  1435. 


1  1536,  year  Ajpula  died. 


THOMAS.] 


METHOD  OF  NUMBERING  THE  AHAUES. 


45 


Table  No.  XVIII. 


Kan. 

6 

P 

3 

s 

M 

HH 

Cauac. 

|  1 

2 

3 

4  ! 

j  5 

6 

7 

8  ! 

X 

i  9 

10 

11 

12 ; 

|  13 

1 

2 

3. 

1392 

|  4! 

5 

G 

7 

8 

1  9 

10 

11  j 

;  12 

13 

1 

2! 

3 

4 

5 

g| 

VIII 

+ 

1  7 

8 

9 

10  j 

j  11 

12 

13 

l| 

1416 

i  2j 

3 

4 

5 

0 

|  7 

8 

9 : 

10 

11 

12 

13  1 

VI 

i  1 

2 

3 

1 

;  3 

6 

7 

8 ! 

9 

10 

11 

12  j 

13! 

1 

2 

3 

1440 

4 

!  5 

6 

7  j 

j  8 

9 

10 

11  i 

12 

13 

1 

2  j 

IV 

3 

4 

5 

6  ! 

!  7 

8 

9 

10  i 

1464 

;  ill 

12 

13 

1 

2 

i  "  "3 

4 

""5  1 

G 

7 

8 

9  ! 

ii 

I  10 

11 

12 

13  j 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

hH 

Cauac. 

i  1 

2 

3 

4 

ii 

j  5 

G 

7 

8 ! 

9 

10 

11 

1488 

12 

13 

1  1 

2 

3 

:  4# 

5 

G 

7 

i  8 

9 

10 

11 

XIII 

I  12 

13 

1 

2 

1  3 

4 

5 

G 

j  7  j 

8 

9 

1512 

10 

11 

12 

13 

T1 

! 

!  2 

i 

3 

4 

5 

1  G 

1 

7 

8 

9 

j  10 

: 

11 

12 

I3 

. 

XI 

!  l 

2 

3 

4 

!  5! 

6 

7 

*1536 

8 

9 

j  10 

11 

"12" 

j  13  f 

1 

2 

3 

i  4 

5 

G 

7 

IX 

i  8 

9 

10 

11 

j  12 

13 

1 

2 

i  3  i 

4 

5 

1560 

G 

7 

:  8 

9 

10  : 

11 

12 

13 

1 

i  o 

3 

4 

si 

VS  I 

!  6 

7 

8 

9  I 

1  10 

11 

12 

13 

S 

M 

Mulnc. 

M 

hH 

Cauac. 

j  1  j 

2 

3 

4 

’■'3* 

5 

6 

7 

8  ! 

!  9 

10 

11 

12 ; 

i  13 

1 

2 

3 ! 

V 

i  4 

5 

6 

7  ! 

i  8 

9 

10 

11 ! 

;  12 

i  13 

1 

1608 

2 

3 

f"4" 

5 

. 0 

i  7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

in 

!  2 

3 

4 

5 

i  G 

7 

8 

9 

!  10  | 

11 

12 

— -:q: — — 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

1656 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

0 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

+  1541. 


46 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TBOANO. 


Table  XIX. 


Kan. 

Muluc. 

M 

i— i 

Cauac. 

P 

M 

Muluc. 

M 

W 

Cauac. 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

M 

hH 

Cauac. 

1: 

2 

3 

4: 

1  1 

2 

3 

4; 

j  1 

2 

3 

4; 

j  5 

G 

7 

8: 

j  5 

6 

10 

7 

ri 

11 

s| 

:  5| 

6 

7 

I  1536 

8 

:  9 

10 

11 

12  j 

j  9 

12  j 

9: 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3j 

13! 

1 

O 

u 

T*1440* 

3 

13 

1 

2 

3 

i  4 

5 

6 

7! 

li 

5 

G 

7: 

!  4 

5 

6 

7 

j  8 

9 

10 

I11 

!  8 

9 

It) 

11 

i  s 

9  |  10 

11 

12: 

13 

1 

2! 

j  12 

13 

1 

2! 

112 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G: 

|  3 

a 

4 

V 

5 

6 

j  3  j 

4 

5 

“I  1560" 

1  0 

:  7 

8 

9 

10: 

i  7 

8 

9 

10! 

7  j 

8 

9 

10  : 

11 

X 

12 

01 

13 

1 

111: 

12 

13 

TugT 

1  1 

11 

12 

13 

1 ! 

;  2 

3 

4 

5 1 

2\ 

3 

4 

5  j 

j  2 

3 

VI 

7 

4 

IS 

8 

5 ; 

|  6; 

7 

8 

— 

|  G 

7 

8 

9 

G 

9 

10: 

1L 

12 

13 : 

:  10 

11 

12 

13: 

jlO 

11 

12 

13  j 

11 

— -:o: - 

|  1 

2 

3 

4 

i  1 

2 

3 

4: 

6 

8 

1 

2 

3 

4 

j  5 

G 

7 

s: 

j  5 

7 

r, 

6 

10 

7 

8 

12 

9 

10 

£ 

11 

12 

j  91 

10 

11 

I  1488r 

3.2 

9 

11 

13 

1 

2 

3; 

13: 

1 

2 

3i 

13 

1 

2 

3 

:  4; 

5 

6 

~ TT392 

7* 

|  4* 

5 

G 

7! 

11  : 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8; 

9 

10 

11: 

:  8 

9 

XI 

10 

a  i 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2\ 

12 

13 

1 

2: 

12 

13 

1 

2 

i  3 

4 

5 

6: 

!  3 

4 

5 

6; 

3 

4 

5 

G 

:  7 

Vi 

8 

SI 

9 

io ; 

i  7 1 

8 

9 

TTgiT 

10 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

i| 

11; 

12 

13 

1; 

11 

12 

13 

1 

j  2: 

3 

4 

1  1416 

1  5 

j  2 

3 

\ 

4 

a 

5! 

2 

3 

4 

5 

0; 

7 

8 

9! 

j  6 

7 

8 

9 

6 

7 

8 

9 

MO 

\ 

11 

i 

12 

131 

TO 

11 

12 

13 ; 

10 

11 

12 

13 

THOMAS.] 


METHOD  OF  NUMBERING  THE  AIIAUES. 


47 


If  I  am  correct  in  the  plan  of  the  table  given,  and  the  division  into 
Ahaues,  it  follows  that  the  rest  of  these  periods  in  the  grand  cycle  would 
be  numbered  as  shown  by  the  Roman  numerals  on  Table  XVII.  These 
numbers  agree  precisely  with  the  numbers  of  the  first  years  of  the  respect¬ 
ive  Ahaues,  and  furnish,  as  heretofore  suggested,  an  explanation  of  the 
singular  method  of  enumerating  these  periods.  If  we  now  turn  to  Table 
XVI,  showing  the  periods  obtained  from  the  dates  on  Plates  XXX  and 
XXXI  of  the  Manuscript,  we  will  see  that  their  position  and  numbers 
agree  exactly  with  those  given  in  Table  XVII. 

As  tending  to  confirm  this  conclusion,  it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to 
4  introduce  here  a  comparison  of  Maya  dates  with  those  of  the  Christian  era. 

As  the  designated  4  Kan  corresponds,  according  to  the  manuscript 
quoted,  with  the  year  1536,  the  last  year  of  that  Aliau  (10  lx)  was  1542. 
Taking  this  as  a  starting  point,  I  have  given  on  the  table  the  year  of  our 
era  corresponding  with  the  first  year  of  each  Ahau.  Now  let  us  test  this 
result  by  the  two  or  three  additional  dates  found  on  record,  and  which  the 
authorities  have  failed  to  make  agree  with  any  explanation  of  the  Maya 
calendar  heretofore  given. 

Bishop  Landa  (Relacion  de  Cosas,  §  41)  states  that  ‘‘the  Indians  say, 
for  example,  that  the  Spaniards  arrived  in  the  City  of  Merida  in  the  year 
of  the  nativity  of  our  Lord  and  Master,  1541,  which  was  precisely  the  first 
year  of  the  11th  Ahau.”  We  may  assume  as  certain  that  the  Indians  gave 
the  bishop  no  such  date  as  1541,  or  any  other  year  of  the  Christian  era  or 
Gregorian  Calendar,  as  they  were  wholly  unacquainted  with  that  system; 
the  year  given  must  have  been  according  to  their  method  of  designating 
dates,  or  by  counting  back  the  years. 

*  As  lie  understood  the  twenty  “counted  years”  to  constitute  an  Ahau, 
and  supposed  one  of  these  periods  to  follow  another  without  any  interven¬ 
ing  years,  he  would  probably  take  9  Muluc  of  the  13th  Ahau  as  the  first  of 
the  lltli,  which,  as  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  table,  is  1541,  exactly 
the  date  required. 

It  is  evident  that  either  he  or  the  author  of  the  Perez  manuscript  was 
mistaken,  for  according  to  the  latter  the  13th  Ahau  ended  with  the  year 


48 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


1542  (whether  we  count  20  or  2  1  years  to  the  Ahau),  while  according  to 
Lancia  it  closed  with  1540. 

He  asserts,  while  writing  his  work  in  Spain  in  1566,  that:  “It  is  now 
120  years  since  Mayapan  was  destroyed.”  As  this  number  could  have 
been  obtained  only  by  counting  Aliaues,  it  must  have  been  understood  by 
him  as  covering  just  six  of  these  periods,  and  hence  the  correct  number 
would  be  144  years  instead  of  120.  This  number  carries  us  back  to  the 
year  1422  or  1423,  the  last  of  the  Xth  or  first  of  the  Vllltn  Ahau.  Co- 
gulludo  places  the  destruction  of  Mayapan  about  1420  of  the  Christian  era; 
the  Perez  manuscript  places  it  in  the  8th  Ahau.  As  the  above  calculation 
places  it  in  the  last  of  the  tenth  or  the  first  of  the  eighth,  the  discrepancy  is 
but  slight,  and  the  agreement  as  close  as  could  be  expected  in  an  attempt 
to  reconcile  such  general  statements. 

Senor  Perez  seems  to  have  taken  as  his  chief  authority,  in  comparing 
dates  of  the  two  systems,  the  statements  of  certain  writers  to  the  effect  that 
the  year  1392  of  our  era  corresponded  with  the  year  7  Cauac  of  the  8th 
Ahau  of  the  Maya  system.1 

Unfortunately  he  mentions  but  one  of  these  authorities- — Don  Cosme 
de  Burgos — whose  work  he  informs  us  “has  been  lost.” 


1  “  Serie  de  los  anos  corridos  en  dos  Ahau  Katuu,  tomando  su  principio  eu  1392  en  que  pas6  segun 
los  manuscritos  el  8  Ahau  en  el  ano  7  Cauac: 

8e  Ahau  Katun. 


1392  .... 

1398  ... 

..  .13  Muluc. 

1404  .... 

.. .  6  Cauac. 

1410  ... 

_ 12  Muluc. 

1393  .... 

. .  8  Kan. 

1399  ... 

...  1  Hix. 

1405  .... 

. .  7  Kan. 

1411  ... 

....13  Hix. 

1394  .... 

1400  ... 

1406  .... 

1412  ... 

. .. .  1  Cauac. 

1395  .... 

1401  ... 

. . . .  3  Kan. 

1407  .... 

...  9  Hix. 

1413  ... 

...  .  2  Kan. 

1396  .... 

1402  ... 

. .. .  4  Muluc. 

1408  .... 

1414  ... 

. . . .  3  Muluc. 

1397  .... 

..  .12  Kan. 

1403  ... 

_ 5  Hix. 

1409  .... 

..  .11  Kan. 

1415  ... 

.. .  4  Hix. 

6e  Ahau  Katun. 

1416  .... 

1422  ... 

1428  .... 

...  4  Cauac. 

1434  ... 

_ 10  Muluc. 

1417  .... 

1423  ... 

. ..  .12  Hix. 

1429  .... 

1435  ... 

...  .11  Hix. 

1418  .... 

1424  ... 

1430  .... 

1436  ... 

_ 12  Cauac. 

1419  .... 

...  8  Hix. 

1425  ... 

... .  1  Kan. 

1431  .... 

...7  Hix. 

f437  ... 

_ 13  Kan. 

1420  .... 

1426  ... 

1432  .... 

1438  ... 

1421  .... 

1427  ... 

_ 3  Hix. 

1433  .... 

1439  ... 

....  2  Hix. 

“  El  punto  de  apoyo  de  que  se  valen  para  acomodar  los  Ahau  Eatunes  d  los  anos  de  la  era  Cristiana 
y  contar  los  periodos  y  siglos  que  en  ella  han  pasade,  y  entender  y  saber  coneordar  los  anos  que  citan 
los  indios  en  sus  historias  con  los  que  corresponden  d  los  de  dicha  era,  es  el  aEo  de  1392,  el  cual  segun 
todos  los  manuscritos,  y  algunos  de  ellos  dpoyiindo.se  en  el  testimonio  de  D.  Cosme  de  Burgos  escritor  y 
conquistador  de  esta  peninsula  cuyos  escritos  se  han  perdido,  fud  el  referido  ano,  en  el  cual  cay6  7  Cauac 
y  did  principio  en  se  segundo  dia  el  8  Ahau;  y  de  este  como  de  un  truuco  se  ordenan  todos  los  que 
antecedieron  ysucedieron  segun  el  orden  numericoque  guardan  y  va  espuesto:  ycomo  con  este  concuer- 
dan  todas  las  sdries  que  se  hallan  en  los  manuscritos,  es  necesario  creerlo  como  incontrovertible.” 


THOMAS.] 


METHOD  OF  NUMBERING  THE  AHAUES. 


49 


We  are  therefore  left  in  doubt  as  to  whether  the  calculation  necessary 
in  comparing  the  date  in  one  system  with  the  same  date  in  the  other  was 
made  by  his  authorities  or  was  his  own.  It  is  evident  that  it  must  have 
been  made  by  them  or  by  him,  as  it  could  not  have  been  given  by  the 
Indians.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  based  upon  the  theory  that  the  7  Cauac 
mentioned  was  the  first  year  of  the  Ahau  in  which  the  event  noted  occurred, 
a  supposition  by  no  means  necessary. 

Following  out  this  supposition,  he  is  compelled  to  place  the  death  of 
Ajpula  in  the  year  1493,  thus  antedating  this  event  by  43  years.  It  also 
leads  him  into  the  absurdity  of  placing  the  first  arrival  of  the  Spaniards 
on  the  coast  of  Yucatan — which  occurred  in  the  2d  Ahau — between  the 
years  1464  and  1488. 

In  order  to  make  this  plain,  I  refer  to  the  Tables  XVIII  and  XIX 
constructed  on  his  theory,  and  also  to  the  continuous  list  of  years  covering 
the  8th,  6th,  4th,  2d,  and  13th  Ahaues  (Table  XX).  The  year  1392  and 
that  in  which  he  places  the  death  of  Ajpula  (1493)  are  designated  on  the 
tables  and  on  the  list  by  a  star. 

Table  XX. 


VIIIth  Aiiau. 


7  Cauac . 1392* 

8  Kan . 1393 

9  Muluc . 1394 

10  lx . 1395 

11  Cauac . 1396 

12  Kan .  1397 

13  Muluc . 1398 

1  lx . 1399 

2  Cauac . 1400 

3  Kan . 1401 

4  Muluc . 1402 

5  lx . 1403 

6  Cauac . 1404 

7  Kan . .1405 

8  Muluc . 1406 

9  lx . 1407 

10  Cauac . 1408 

11  Kan  . 1409 

12  Muluc . 1410 

13  lx . 1411 

1  Cauac . 1412 

2  Kan . 1413 

3  Muluc . 1414 

4  lx . 1415 


VIth  Ahau. 


5  Cauac . 1416 

6  Kan . ..1417 

7  Muluc . 1418 

8  lx . 1419 

9  Cauac . 1420 

10  Kan . 1421 

11  Muluc . 1422 

12  lx . 1423 

13  Cauac . 1424 

1  Kan . 1425 

2  Muluc . 1426 

3  lx . 1427 

4  Cauac . 1428 

5  Kan . 1429 

6  Muluc . 1430 

7  lx . 1431 

8  Cauac . 1432 

9  Kan . 1433 

10  Muluc . 1434 

11  lx . 1435 

12  Cauac . 1436 

13  Kau . 1437 

1  Muluc . 1438 

2  lx . 1439 


IVth  Ahau. 


3  Cauac . 

. . 1440 

4  Kan . 

. 1441 

5  Muluc . 

. 1442 

6  lx . 

. . 1443 

7  Cauac . 

. 1444 

8  Kan . 

. 1445 

9  Muluc . 

. 1446 

10  lx . 

. 1447 

11  Cauac . 

. . 1448 

12  Kan . 

. 1449 

13  Muluc . . 

. 1450 

1  lx . . 

. 1451 

2  Cauac . 

. 1452 

3  Kan . . 

. . 1453 

4  Muluc . 

. 1454 

5  lx . 

. 1455 

6  Cauac . 

. 1456 

7  Kau . . 

. 1457 

8  Muluc . . 

. 1458 

9  lx . . 

. 1559 

10  Cauac . . 

. 1460 

11  Kan . 

. 1461 

12  Muluc . . 

. 1462 

13  lx . 

. 1463 

4  M  T 


50 


A  STCJDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


IlD  AhAU. 


1  Cauac . 

. 1464 

2  Kan . 

. 1465 

3  Muluc . 

. 1466 

4  lx . 

. . .1467 

5  Cauac . 

. .  ..1468 

6  Kan . 

. 1469 

7  Muluc . 

. 1470 

8  lx . 

. 1471 

9  Cauac . 

. 1472 

10  Kan . 

. 1473 

11  Muluc . 

. 1474 

12  lx . 

. 1475 

13  Cauac . 

. 1476 

1  Kan . 

. 1477 

2  Muluc . . 

. 1478 

3  lx . 

. 1479 

4  Cauac . 

. 1480 

5  Kan . 

. 1481 

6  Muluc . 

. 1482 

7  lx  . . 

. 1483 

8  Cauac . 

. 1484 

9  Kan . 

. 1485 

10  Muluc . 

. 1486 

11  lx . 

. 1487 

XIIIth  Ahau. 


12  Cauac . 1488 

13  Kan . 1489 

1  Muluc . 1490 

2  lx . 1491 

3  Cauac . 1492 

4  Kan . *1493 

5  Muluc . 1494 

6  lx . 1495 

7  Cauac . 1496 

8  Kan . 1497 

9  Muluc . 1498 

10  lx . 1499 

11  Cauac . 1500 

12  Kan . 1501 

13  Muluc . 1502 

1  lx . 1503 

2  Cauac . 1504 

3  Kan . 1505 

4  Muluc . 1506 

5  lx . 1507 

6  Cauac . 1508 

7  Kan . 1509 

8  Muluc . 1510 

9  lx . 1511 

IXth  Ahau. 

8  Cauac . 1536 

9  Kan . 1537 

10  Muluc . 1538 

11  lx . 1539 

12  Cauac . 1540 

13  Kan . 1541 


XIth  Aiiau. 


10  Cauac . 1512 

11  Kan . 1513 

12  Muluc . 1514 

13  lx . . 1515 

1  Cauac . 1516 

2  Kan . 1517 

3  Muluc . 1518 

4  lx . 1519 

5  Cauac . 1520 

6  Kan . 1521 

7  Muluc . 71522 

8  lx . 1523 

9  Cauac . 1524 

10  Kan . 1525 

11  Muluc . 1526 

12  lx . 1527 

13  Cauac . 1528 

1  Kan . 1529 

2  Muluc . 1530 

3  lx . 1531 

4  Cauac .  1532 

5  Kan . 1533 

6  Muluc . 1534 

7  lx . 1535 


Following  out  this  theory  we  will  have  to  place  the  taking  of  Merida 
by  the  Spaniards  (1541)  in  the  sixth  year  of  the  IXth  Ahau,  instead  of  the 
first  of  the  XIth.  As  Landa  went  to  Yucatan  about  the  year  1549,  we  are 
not  warranted  in  supposing  that  he  made  an  error  of  thirty  years  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  an  event  that  occurred  but  a  few  years  before  his  arrival. 

It  is  apparent  from  these  facts  that,  assuming,  as  Perez  does,  that  the 
year  1392  was  the  year  7  Cauac,  and  the  first  of  an  Ahau,  conflicts  with 
every  other  date  left  on  record. 

I  think  we  may  therefore  take  for  granted  that  there  was  some  error 
in  the  calculation  by  which  this  author,  or  those  from  whom  he  quotes, 
obtained  this  date.  As  this  calculation  antedates  the  death  of  Ajpula  just 
43  years,  let  us  add  that  number  to  1392:  This  gives  us  1435.  If  we  turn 
now  to  Table  XVII,  made  according  to  my  theory,  we  find  that  7  Cauac 


THOMAS.] 


METHOD  OF  NUMBERING  THE  AHAUES. 


51 


of  the  8th  Ahau  is  the  year  1435,  and  that  by  adding-  the  43  years — the 
number  Perez  has  antedated  the  death  of  Ajpula — all  the  dates  agree  sub¬ 
stantially,  and  also  drop  into  their  proper  places  in  the  Maya  Calendar. 

As  the  authorities  to  whom  Perez  refers  obtained  their  information 
from  the  Indians,  the  date  was  as  a  matter  of  course  given  according  to  the 
Maya  method  of  reckoning  time;  hence  the  “year  7  Cauac  and  8th  Ahau” 
are  most  likely  to  be  correct.  It  is  very  probable  this  was  the  date  of  some 
notable  event  in  the  history  of  that  people,  and  as  it  gives  when  corrected 
the  year  1435, 1  am  of  the  opinion  it  relates  to  the  destruction  of  Mayapan, 
which,  according  to  the  manuscript  translated  by  Stephens,  occurred  in  the 
8th  Ahau. 

Another  error  arising  from  this  mistake  on  the  part  of  Perez  was  that  he 
was  forced  to  place  the  death  of  Ajpula  in  the  6th  year  of  the  13tli  Ahau, 
instead  of  in  the  1 8th  as  given  by  his  manuscript,  in  order  to  get  it  in  4  Kan. 
An  examination  of  Tables  No.  XVIII  and  XIX,  which  are  constructed 
according  to  his  theory,  will  show  that  there  is  no  Ahau  but  number  I,  in 
which  4  Kan  is  the  18tli  year.  This  is  true  no  matter  where  we  com¬ 
mence  dividing  the  grand  cycle,  according  to  his  idea. 

As  Table  XVIII  commences  the  division  with  the  last  year  of  a  grand 
cycle,  I  have  given  at  the  same  place  another  (XIX)  on  his  plan,  commenc¬ 
ing  with  the  fourth  year  of  this  period,  in  order  to  illustrate  the'  above 
statement. 

Taking  into  consideration  all  the  evidence  I  can  obtain  bearing  upon 
the  points  now  under  consideration  I  am  forced  to  the  following  conclusions: 

1st.  That  the  series  of  years  began  with  Cauac. 

2d.  That  the  first  .year  of  a  grand  cycle  was- also  the  first  year  of  an 
Ahau. 

3d.  That  the  thirteen  Ahaues  of  a  grand  cycle  were  numbered  as 
shown  in  Table  XVII. 

4th.  That  they  were  numbered  according  to  the  number  of  their  first 
years  respectively. 

But  it  is  best  perhaps  for  me  to  call  attention  here  to  the  following  facts 
in  reference  to  the  numbering  of  these  periods. 

First.  That  the  division  of  the  grand  cycle  according  to  the  plan  I 


52 


A  STUDY  OP  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


have  adopted,  which  is  repeated  on  the  annexed  Table  XXI,  does  not 
preclude  us  from  accepting  Perez’s  theory  that  they  were  numbered  from 
the  second  day  of  the  first  year,  which,  as  the  periods  begin  with  Cauac, 
would  be  Allan.  This  would  change  the  position  of  the  Ahaues  so  far  as 
their  numbers  are  concerned,  and  they  would  then  stand  as  shown  in  this 
table;  that  is,  the  first  one  in  the  grand  cycle  would  be  No.  II,  the  next 
XIII,  and  so  on  in  the  usual  order.  But  one  very  serious  objection  to  this 
plan  of  numbering  is  that  4  Kan  of  the  Xllltli  Allan  would  be  the  sixth, 
instead  of  the  eighteenth  year. 

I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  only  foundation  Perez  had  for  thus  num¬ 
bering  these  periods  is  the  fact  that  the  name  “  Ahau”  was  applied  to  them. 
It  is  probable  that  it  was  sometimes  so  applied  on  account  of  their  impor¬ 
tance,  but  a  careful  study  of  the  language  of  Lauda  and  Cogulludo  lead 
me  to  believe  that  Katun  was  the  name  by  which  they  were  usually  desig¬ 
nated.  The  latter  author  gives  this  term  only.  Landa  simply  remarks  that 
“they  counted  13  twenties  with  one  of  the  twenty  letters  of  their  month 
which  is  called  Ahau ,  without  order  and  alternate  only  as  on  the  border  of 
the  wheel  above;  they  called  these,  in  their  language,  Katunes 1 

The  most  serious  objection  which,  so  far  as  I  see,  can  be  urged  against 
my  theory  is  that  the  series  of  Alianes  does  not  begin  with  XIII,  or,  in 
other  words,  that  the  first  of  the  grand  cycle  is  not  XIII.  But  this  objec¬ 
tion  applies  with  equal  force  to  Perez’s  scheme.  If  we  adopt  the  division 
shown  in  Table  XVIII,  and  suppose  the  numbering  to  correspond  with  the 
first  year  (Cauac)  of  each  period,  we  would  then  commence  the  grand 
cycle  with  the  XII Ith  Ahau.  To  illustrate  this  I  give  a  table  (XXII)  sim¬ 
ilar  to  XVIII  so  far  as’  the  division  of  the  grand  cycle  is  concerned,  but 
numbered  as  above  suggested. 

1  “No  solo  tenian  los  indios  cuenta  en  el  ano  y  meses,  como  queda  dicho,  y  sendlado  atras  pero 
tenian  ciert.o  modo  de  contar  los  tiempos  y  sus  cosas  por  edades,  las  quales  liazian  de  veynte  en  veynte 
alios,  contando  XIII  veyntes  con  ana  de  las  XX  letras  de  los  meses  que  llaman  Ahau,  sin  orden  smo 
retruecanados  como  pareceTan  en  la  siguiente  raya  redonda;  llaman  les  a  estos  en  su  lengua  Katunes, 
y  con  ellos  tenian  a  maravilla  cuenta  con  sus  edades,  y  la  fue  assi  facil  al  viejo  do  quien  en  el  primero 
capitulo  dise  avia  trescientos  anos  accordarse  dellos.”  (Landa,  Relacion  de  las  Cosas,  §  XLI.) 


THOMAS.  1 


METHOD  OF  NUMBERING  THE  AHAUES. 


53 


Table  XXI. 


d 

d 

cS 

r~j 

53 

£ 

Q 

cd 

M 

3 

S 

M 

W 

i 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

VI 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

IV 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5, 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

ii 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

XIII 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

Cauac. 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

M 

hH 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

i 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

XII 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

X 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

VIII 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

Cauac. 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

N 

M 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

XI 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

IX 

3 

4 

5 

6 

-7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

VII 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

V 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

m 

10 

11 

12 

13 

Cauac. 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

M 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

VI 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

IV 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

ii 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

xi a  a 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

* 


54 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


This  plan  has  this  fact  in  its  favor:  it  not  only  throws  the  XHItli  Ahau 
at  the  commencement  of  the  grand  cycle,  but  4  Kan  is  also  its  18th  year. 

Table  XXII. 


Kan. 

Muluc. 

M 

M 

Cauac. 

:  1 

2 

3 

4; 

1  5 

G 

7 

8  i 

ax 

i  9 

10 

11 

12  i 

i  13 

1 

2 

3 

1  1; 

5 

G 

"TT279‘ 

7 

»l 

9 

10 

11 

1 3.2 

13 

1 

2 ! 

!  3 

4 

5 

G^ 

VB I 

|  7 

8 

9 

10  j 

ill 

12 

13 

1 

I  2  i 

3 

4 

7  1303 

5 

6: 

7 

8 

9: 

10 

11 

12 

13 

7 

j  1 

2 

3 

4 

i  5 

6 

7 

8 

i  o 

10 

11 

12: 

j  13 ! 

1 

2 

1327 

3 

4; 

5 

6 

7; 

j  8 

9 

10 

H 

12 

13 

1 

2  : 

JBI 

!  3 

4 

5 

G 

j  7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

13al 

1 

2  | 

3 

4 

5: 

i  6 

7 

8 

9! 

i 

j  10 

11 

12 

13  j 

1435. 


t 1536. 


THOM  Ati.] 


METHOD  OF  NUMBERING  THE  AHAUES. 


55 


Be  this  as  it  may,  there  is  nothing  in  Maya  history  or  the  calendar 
which  makes  it  necessary  that  the  grand  cycle  should  commence  with  the 
Xlllth  Ahau.  As  suggested  by  Perez  and  Dr.  Yalentini,  this  number  of 
the  series  may  have  been  selected  as  the  one  with  which  to  begin  their 
count  because  of  some  notable  event  in  their  history  occurring  in  it.  The 
serious  objection  to  the  plan  of  Table  XXII  is  that  it  requires  the  Xlllth 
Ahau  to  begin  with  the  last  year  of  a  grand  cycle,  which,  I  think,  is  suffi¬ 
cient  to  condemn  it 

Perez’s  statement  bearing  on  this  subject  is  as  follows : 

“As  the  Indians  considered  the  number  13  as  the  initial  number,  it  is 
probable  that  some  remarkable  event  had  happened  in  that  year,  because, 
when  the  Spaniards  arrived  in  the  Peninsula,  the  Indians  then  counted  the 
8th  as  the  1st,  that  being  the  date  at  which  their  ancestors  came  to  settle 
there;  and  an  Indian  writer  proposed  that  they  should  abandon  that  order 
also,  and  begin  counting  from  the  11th,  solely  because  the  conquest  had 
happened  in  that  Ahau.”  (Cron.  An  tig.,  §  IX,  Valentini’s  Trans.)1 

I  have  already  quoted  from  Perez,  as  pertaining  to  the  calendar,  the 
statement  in  reference  to  what  he  believes  to  be  another  kind  of  cycle  or 
method  of  computation.  I  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  numbers 
given  might  be  found  by  running  up  the  columns  of  our  table  of  years.  I 
will  now  explain  what  I  believe  to  have  been  the  object  and  use  of  these 
numbers. 

“They  had  another  number  which  they  called  Ua  Katun ,  which  served 
them  as  a  key  by  which  to  adjust  and  find  the  Katunes,  and  following  the 
order  of  their  march,  it  falls  on  the  two2  days  of  TJayeb  Jiaab  and  revolves 
to  the  end  of  certain  years;  Katunes  13,  9,  5,  1,  10,  6,  2,  11,  7,  3,  12,  8,  4.” 

Perez  quotes  this,  as  he  states,  in  the  exact  words  of  his  authority 
(unfortunately  not  given).  As  Bancroft’s  translation  omits  the  “two”  be¬ 
fore  “days,”  I  have  given  here  a  translation  of  the  original  as  found  in 
Perez’s  Cronologie  Antigua .” 

'As  neither  Valentini’s  nor  Brasseurs’  translation  is  literal,  I  will  give  the  original : 

“  Es  probable  que  principio  en  el  numero  13  por  haber  acontecido  en  el  algun  suceso  notable  pues 
despues  se  contaban  por  el  8 ;  y  acabada  la  conquista  de  esta  peninsula  propuso  un  escritor  indio  cornen- 
zasen  d  contar  en  lo  sucesivo  estas  dpocas  por  el  11  Ahau  por  que  en  el  se  verified  aquella.” 

3  Not  the  “second  day  of  the  TJayeb  haab”  as  Perez  seems,  as  appears  from  his  comment,  to  have 
understood  the  expression.  It  is  strange  that  he  should  have  so  perversely  misinterpreted  his  owu 
manuscripts. 


56 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TBOANO. 


We  see  by  reference  to  the  annexed  table  of  years  (XXIII),  which 
contains  exactly  one  cycle,  that  by  commencing  at  the  bottom  of  the  right- 
hand  or  lx  column  and  running  up,  we  find  the  numbers  given  in  the  quo¬ 
tation  and  in  precisely  the  same  order.  As  these  figures  mark  the  terminal 
Table  XXIII.  years  of  the  lustres  it  is  evident  that  the  authority  quoted 
applied  the  name  “Katun”  to  these  periods,  and  that  this 
word  is  not  used  here  as  an  equivalent  of  “Ahau.” 

If  the  series  began  with  Cauac,  as  shown  by  this 
table,  these  numbers  would  then  denote  lx  years;  but 
if  it  commenced  with  Kan  they  would  then  be  Cauac 
years.  In  either  case  it  is  evident  that  by  remembering 
these  numbers  and  their  order  it  would  be  an  easy  matter 
to  locate  or  give  the  number  of  any  year  in  the  cycle, 
and  in  the  grand  cycle  also,  if  they  had  any  method  of 
numbering  the  cycles.  But  I  am  unable  to  see  how 
this  could  be  of  much  service  in  counting  the  Ahaues, 
and  am  therefore  inclined  to  believe  that  this  method  of 
counting  back  was  chiefly  in  vogue  among  the  common 
people,  they  being  unable  to  fully  understand  and  use 
the  complicated  calendar  of  the  priests.  Although  Landa, 
when  speaking  of  the  facility  with  which  they  counted 
back  the  years,  evidently  alludes  to  the  Ahaues,  yet  it  is  quite  probable  the 
old  Indian  who  traced  back  their  history  for  three  hundred  years  did  so  by 
the  use  of  this  key,  unless  he  was  a  priest. 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  what  is  meant  by  the  expression  “they  fall 
on  the  two  days  of  TJayeb  haab ”  [intercalated  days]. 

In  the  four  plates  of  the  Dresden  Codex  heretofore  mentioned  (25-28), 
which  certainly  refer  to  the  feasts  of  the  intercalated  days,  we  notice  that 
the  left-hand  column  of  each  contains  the  characters  of  but  two  days — the 
25th  the  days  Eb  and  Ben,  the  last  two  of  the  intercalated  days  of  the 
Muluc  years;  the  26th,  Caban  and  Ezanab,  the  last  two  of  the  lx  years, 
and  so  on. 

Although  these,  as  here  noted,  may  not  have  any  reference  to  this 


Cauac.  | 

Kan. 

Muluc. 

M 

HH 

1 

2 

3 

.  4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

o 

3 

4 

5 

0 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

0 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

TII0MA6.] 


METHOD  OF  NUMBERING  THE  AIIAUES. 


57 


method  of  counting-,  their  use  in  this  manner  shows  that  they  were  consid¬ 
ered  important. 

If  the  lustres  ended  with  an  lx  year,  as  I  have  assumed,  Ezanab  would 
be  the  last  of  the  intercalated  days.  Now  as  will  be  seen  by  carefully 
examining-  the  calendar  for  one  year  as  g-iven  in  Table  II,  pag-e  8,  the  num¬ 
ber  of  the  last  intercalated  day  will  always  be  the  same  as  the  first  day  of 
the  year.  Having  thus  determined  the  name  and  number  of  the  year,  and 
remembering  the  series  as  given  in  the  quotation,  it  was  an  easy  matter  to 
count  back  to  any  desired  year.  Let  me  illustrate  this:  Suppose  that  at 
the  close  of  an  annual  feast  of  Uayeb  kaab  which  has  ended  on  Ezanab,  an 
Indian  was  desirous  of  determining  what  year  of  the  cycle  had  just  termi¬ 
nated.  Knowing  the  day  to  be  1  Ezanab,  he  knows  by  this  that  the  year 
was  1  lx;  remembering  the  numbers  of  the  key,  he  commences  his  count 
with  1,  and  running  back  thus:  1,  10,  6,  2,  11,  7,  3,  12,  8,  4,  ascertains  that 
the  year  is  the  40th  of  the  cycle  (10x4). 

A  little  careful  study  of  this  subject  will  suffice  to  convince  any  one  at 
all  acquainted  with  this  calendar  that  by  simply  knowing  the  number  and 
name  of  the  last  intercalated  day  of  any  year  will  be  sufficient  to  enable 
him  to  determine  what  year  of  the  cycle  it  is  If  he  forgets  the  key  he  can 
easily  find  it  by  the  continued  subtraction  of  4,  commencing  with  1 3,  adding 
13  when  the  number  to  be  subtracted  from  is  4  or  less  than  4.  The  only  thing 
necessary  to  be  remembered  is  that  the  years  Cauac,  Kan,  Muluc,  lx  ter¬ 
minate,  respectively,  with  the  days  Akbal,  Lamat,  Ben,  and  Ezanab. 

Suppose  the  last  day  of  a  certain  year  to  be  9  Lamat,  this  gives  9  Kan 
as  the  year;  the  next  year  would  be  10  Muluc,  the  next  11  lx,  the  last  of 
the  lustre.  If  we  remember  the  key,  we  count  back  the  following  num¬ 
bers  or  lustres:  11,  7,  3,  12,  8,  4,  showing  that  11  lx  would  be  the  24th 
year  of  the  cycle  and  9  Kan  the  2 2d.  These  calculations  are  based  upon 
the  supposition  that  Cauac  was  the  first  year  of  the  cycle,  but  the  same 
rule  will  apply  with  Kan  or  any  other  as  the  first  of  the  series. 

I  think  it  probable  that  this  will  furnish  an  explanation  of  the  phrase 
“they  fall  in  the  two  days  of  Uayeb  liaab  and  return  to  the  end  of  certain 
years.*  The  manuscript  from  which  this  statement  was  taken  by  Perez  was 
evidently  written  by  one  not  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  system. 


58 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


On  the  title-page  and  on  Plates  XX-XXIII  (see  Plates  I-IV)  are  cer- 

tain  red  semicircular  or  crescent-shaped  figures  like  this  which  we 

have  good  reasons  for  believing  served  as  characters  to  denote  one  of  the 
Maya  periods,  either  the  Ahau,  Cycle,  Indication,  or  part  of  the  grand  cjmle. 
This  is  the  proper  place  to  discuss  their  signification;  but  as  this  can  be  done 
more  satisfactorily  after  we  have  learned  what  we  can  in  reference  to  the 
figures  given  on  these  plates  and  the  subjects  to  which  they  relate,  I  will 
now  proceed  to  give  such  interpretations  of  the  figures  and  characters  on 
them  as  I  believe  are  waranted  by  the  discoveries  I  have  made. 


t 


CHAPTER  III. 

EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  AND  CHARACTERS  ON  PLATES 
XX-XXIII  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO  AND  25-28  OF 
THE  DRESDEN  CODEX. 

As  heretofore  stated,  the  figures  that  occupy  the  spaces  on  Plates  XX- 
XXIII1  appear  to  relate,  in  part  at  least,  to  the  close  and  commencement  of 
the  more  important  periods  of  time.  I  have  already  given  my  reasons  for 
believing  that  the  blue  figure  in  the  upper  compartment  of  Plate  XXIII 
represents  an  Ahau,  and  that  the  piercing  of  the  eye  with  the  dagger  sig¬ 
nifies  that  the  last  year  of  the  period  has  arrived  and  is  about  to  close. 

Referring  to  Landa’s  Belacion  de  Cosas  §§  XXXV-XXXVIII,  I  find  the 
following  account  of  the  religious  festivals  which  occurred  during  the  inter¬ 
calated  or  closing  days  of  the  old  and  the  commencement  of  the  new  year, 
each  of  the  four  years,  Kan,  Muluc,  lx,  and  Cauac,  having  its  own  peculiar 
ceremonies. 

As  this  is  really  the  key  to  the  explanation  of  the  figures  on  the  four 
plates  mentioned,  I  quote  his  statement  in  full,  translated  from  Brasseur’s 
French,  giving  the  original  Spanish  in  Appendix  No.  1. 

“XXXV. — Fetes  of  supplemental  days — Sacrifices  of  the  commencemeyit  of  the 

new  year  of  the  sign  Kan. 

“It  was  the  custom  in  all  the  cities  of  Yucatan  that  there  should  be  at 
each  of  the  four  entrances  of  the  place — that  is  to  say,  the  east,  west,  north, 
and  south — two  heaps  of  stone  facing  each  other,  intended  for  the  celebra¬ 
tion  of  two  feasts  of  unlucky  days.  These  feasts  took  place  in  the  following 
manner: 

•The  reader  is  reminded  again  that  Plates  XX-XXIII  of  tlie  Manuscript  are  the  same  as  our 
Plates  I-IV,  a  fact  which  will  not  be  repeated  hereafter  in  the  text. 


59 


60 


A  STUDY  OP  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


“The  year  of  which  the  dominical  letter  was  Kan  the  omen  was  Hobnil , 
and,  according  to  the  belief  of  the  Yucatecs,  they  both  reigned  in  the  region 
of  the  south.  This  year,  therefore,  they  fabricated  a  hollow  image  or  figure 
of  baked  earth,  of  the  idol  which  they  called  Kan-u-Uayeyab ,  and  carried 
it  to  the  heap  of  dry  stones  which  was  on  the  south  side.  They  elected  a 
chief  from  the  citizens,  at  whose  house  they  celebrated  the  feasts  of  these 
days.  At  this  ceremony  they  made  also  the  statue  of  another  god,  named 
Bolon-Zacab,  which  they  placed  in  the  house  of  the  chief  elect,  in  a  spot 
where  every  one  could  approach. 

“This  done,  the  nobles,  the  priest,  and  the  citizens  assembled  together. 
They  returned,  by  a  road  swept  and  ornamented  with  arches  and  foliage,  to 
the  two  piles  of  stone,  where  they  found  the  statue,  around  which  they 
gathered  with  much  devotion.  The  priest  then  perfumed  it  with  forty- 
nine  grains  of  bruised  maize  mixed  with  incense.  The  nobles  placed  their 
incense  together  in  the  censer  of  the  idol  and  perfumed  it  in  their  turn. 
The  maize  mixed  with  the  priest’s  incense  is  called  zacah ,  and  that  which 
the  nobles  present  is  called  chahalte.  Having  incensed  the  image,  they  cut 
off  the  head  of  a  fowl  and  presented  to  it. 

“When  this  was  finished  they  placed  the  statue  on  a  litter  called 
Xante ,  and  on  its  shoulders  an  ‘angel’  as  an  omen  of  water  and  the  good 
year  which  they  should  have.  As  to  these  ‘angels,’  they  were  frightful  in 
appearance. 

“Then  they  carried  the  statue,  dancing  with  much  gaiety,  to  the  house 
of  the  chief,  where  he  found  the  other  statue  of  Bolon-Zacab.  While  they 
were  on  the  way  one  of  them  carried  to  the  nobles  and  the  priest  a  drink 
composed  of  four  hundred  and  twenty-five  grains  of  burnt  maize,  which 
they  called  Picula-Kakla ,  and  all  partook  of  it  at  the  same  time.  Arrived 
at  the  chief’s  house,  they  placed  the  image  which  they  carried,  face  to  face 
with  the  statue  which  was  already  there,  and  made  many  offerings  of  drinks 
and  viands,  of  meat  and  fish.  These  offerings  were  afterwards  divided  among 
the  strangers  who  were  present,  and  they  gave  the  priest  only  a  leg  of 
venison. 

“Others  drew  blood  from  themselves  by  scarifying  their  ears,  and 
anointed  with  it  a  stone  which  they  had  as  an  idol,  called  Kanal-Acantun. 


thomas.1  FESTIVALS  AT  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  KAN  YEARS.  61 


They  modeled  a  heart  from  the  dough  of  their  bread,  and  in  the  same  way 
another  loaf,  of  gourd  seeds,  which  they  presented  to  the  idol  Kan-u-Uay- 
eyab.  It  was  thus  that  they  guarded  this  statue  and  the  other  during  the 
unfavorable  days,  perfuming  them  with  their  incense  and  with  incense  mixed 
with  grains  of  bruised  maize.  They  believed  that  if  they  neglected  these 
ceremonies  they  would  be  subject  to  the  calamities  which  were  the  result  of 
this  year.  The  unlucky  days  having  passed,  they  carried  the  statue  of  the 
god  Bolon-Zacab  to  the  temple,  and  the  image  of  the  other  to  the  eastern 
entrance  of  the  city,  in  order  to  have  it  for  the  next  year.  They  left  it 
there,  and  returning  home  each  one  occupied  himself  with  preparations  for 
the  celebration  of  the  new  year. 

“As  soon  as  the  ceremonies  were  terminated  and  the  evil  spirit  dis¬ 
pelled,  according  to  their  mistaken  idea,  they  believed  this  year  to  be  fortu¬ 
nate,  because  with  the  sign  Kan  reigns  the  Bacab-Hobnil ,  who,  as  they  say, 
has  not  sinned  as  his  brothers,  and  for  this  reason  no  calamity  befell  them 
in  that  year.  But  as  it  frequently  happened  that  this  occurred  notwithstand¬ 
ing,  the  demon  was  conciliated  by  establishing  these  ceremonies,  so  that  in 
case  of  misfortune  they  attributed  the  fault  to  their  ceremonies  and  to  those 
who  served  in  them,  so  that  they  remained  always  in  error  and  blindness. 

“At  his  instigation,  then,  they  fabricated  an  idol  called  Yzamna-Cauil , 
which  they  placed  in  his  temple,  and  burnt  before  it  in  the  court  three  pellets 
of  milk,1  or  resin,  which  they  called  kik;  they  sacrificed  to  it  either  a  dog 
or  a  man,  which  was  done  with  the  ceremony  spoken  of  in  chapter  one 
hundred  on  the  subject  of  victims.  There  was,  however,  some  difference 
in  the  manner  of  offering  this  sacrifice;  they  put  in  the  court  of  the  temple 
a  large  heap  of  stones,  and  the  man  or  animal  who  was  to  be  sacrificed  was 
fastened  to  a  sort  of  elevated  scaffold,  from  whence  they  hurled  him  onto 
the  heap  of  stones;  the  officers  immediately  seized  him  and  tore  out  his 
heart,  which  they  carried  to  the  new  idol,  offering  it  to  him  between  two 
plates.  They  made  still  other  offerings  of  comestibles.  At  this  feast  the 
old  women,  selected  for  this  occasion,  danced,  clothed  in  peculiar  garments. 
They  believed  that  an  angel  descended  then  and  received  the  sacrifice. 

1  By  tlie  term  “milk,”  as  here  used,  is  meant  the  milky  juice  of  some  plant. 


62 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


“XXXVI. — Sacrifices  of  the  new  year  at  the  sign  of  Muluc — Dancing  on  the 
stilts — Dance  of  the  old  women  with  the  dogs  of  halted  earth. 

“The  year  of  which  the  dominical  letter  was  Muluc  had  for  the  omen 
Canzienal.  When  the  time  arrived,  the  nobles  and  the  priest  elected  the  chief 
who  should  celebrate  the  feast.  This  done,  they  modeled,  as  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding  year,  the  image  of  the  idol  called  Cliac-u-  Uayeyab,  and  carried  it  to 
the  heap  of  stones  at  the  eastern  side,  where  they  had  left  it  the  year  before. 
They  made  a  statue  of  the  god  called  Kinch-Ahau,  which  they  placed  in  a 
suitable  spot  in  the  house  of  the  chief;  then,  from  there,  setting  out  by  a 
road  neatly  swept  and  ornamented,  they  returned  together  with  their  accus¬ 
tomed  devotion  to  the  statue  of  Chac-u-  Uayeyab. 

“Having  arrived  here,  the  priest  perfumed  it  with  his  incense  and  forty- 
three  grains  of  bruised  corn,  which  they  called  zacah ;  he  gave  to  the  nobles 
the  incense  called  chahalte  to  put  in  the  censer,  after  which  they  cut  off  the 
head  of  a. fowl,  as  formerly.  They  raised  up  the  statue  on  a  litter  called 
Chacte  and  carried  it  with  devotion,  while  the  crowd  executed  around  it  cer¬ 
tain  war  dances  called  Holcan-Okot ,  Batel-Okot.  They  carried  at  the  same 
time,  to  the  leaders  and  the  principal  citizens,  their  drink  composed  of  three 
hundred  and  twenty-four  grains  of  burnt  corn,  as  before. 

“Arrived  at  the  house  of  the  chief  they  placed  the  statue  facing  that 
of  Kinch-Ahau ,  and  presented  to  it  the  customary  offerings,  which  they 
divided  afterwards  as  at  the  last  time.  They  offered  to  him  bread  made  in 
the  form  of  the  yolk  of  an  egg,  and  others  like  the  hearts  of  deer,  and  another 
composed  with  diluted  spice.  There  were,  as  ordinarily,  good  men  who  drew 
blood  from  themselves  by  piercing  their  ears  and  anointing  with  it  the  stone 
of  the  idol  named  Chacan-Cantun.1 

“Here  they  took  small  boys  and  forcibly  pierced  their  ears,  making 
incisions  on  them  with  knives.  They  guarded  this  statue  until  the  end  of 
the  evil  days;  meanwhile  they  burned  before  it  their  incense. 

“When  these  da}^s  were  passed  they  carried  it  to  the  north  side,  where 
they  were  to  receive  it  the  next  year,  and  deposited  the  other  in  his  temple, 
after  which  they  returned  home  to  prepare  for  the  ceremonies  of  the  new 
year  They  believed  that  if  they  neglected  to  celebrate  the  aforesaid  cere¬ 
monies  they  would  be  exposed  to  great  evils  of  the  eyes. 


1  Doubtless  intended  for  Chac-Acantun. 


thomas.]  FESTIVALS  AT  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  IX  YEARS.  63 


“This  year,  of  which  the  dominical  letter  was  Muluc  and  in  which 
reigned  Bacab-Canzienal ,  they  regarded  as  fortunate;  for  they  said  that  this 
was  the  greatest  and  best  of  the  gods  Bacab;  also  thej^  made  him  the  first 
in  their  prayers.  With  all  this,  however,  the  demon  inspired  them  to  fabri¬ 
cate  an  idol  named  Yax-Coc-Ahmut,  which  they  placed  in  the  temple,  after 
having  taken  away  the  old  statues;  they  set  up  in  the  court  which  is  towards 
the  temple  a  heap  of  stones,  on  which  they  burnt  the  incense  with  a  pellet 
of  resin  or  milk  ( Jcik ),  invoking  the  idol  and  asking  of  him  deliverance  from 
the  misfortunes  of  the  present  year.  These  calamities  were  the  scarcity  of 
water,  the  abundance  of  shoots  in  the  maize,  and  other  things  of  the  same 
kind.  As  a  remedy  for  these  evils  the  demon  commanded  them  to  offer  up 
squirrels  and  a  cover  of  cloth  without  embroidery,  woven  by  the  old  women, 
whose  office  it  was  to  dance  in  the  temple  in  order  to  praise  the  god  Yax- 
Coc-Ahmut. 

“They  threatened  them  still  more  with  a  crowd  of  other  misfortunes 
and  evil  signs  relative  to  this  year,  although  it  was  considered  fortunate,  if 
they  did  not  accomplish  the  duties  which  the  demon  imposed  on  them  ;  one 
among  others  was  a  feast  with  a  dance,  which  they  executed  mounted  on  very 
high  stilts,  and  a  sacrifice  which  they  offered  of  the  heads  of  turkeys,  of 
bread,  and  of  drinks  of  maize.  It  was  also  imposed  on  them  to  present 
images  of  dogs  in  baked  earth,  carrying  bread  on  the  back.  The  old  women 
were  obliged  to  dance  with  these  images  in  their  hands,  and  to  sacrifice  to 
the  god  a  small  dog  with  black  spots,  and  which  was  still  virgin.  Those 
who  wrere  the  most  devoted  to  this  ceremony  were  to  draw  blood  from  the 
animal  and  to  anoint  with  it  the  stone  of  the  god  Chac-Acantum.  These 
rites  and  this  sacrifice  seemed  to  be  very  pleasing  to  the  god  Yax-Coc- 
Ahmut .” 

“XXXVII. — Sacrifices  of  the  new  year  at  the  sign  of  Yx — Sinister  prognostics ; 

how  they  prevented  those  results. 

“The  year  of  which  the  dominical  letter  was  Yx  and  the  omen  Zac- 
Ciui ,  the  election  of  the  chief  who  celebrated  the  feast  being  finished,  they 
formed  the  image  of  the  god  called  Zac-u-TJayeyab  and  carried  it  to  the 
piles  of  stone  where  they  had  left  the  other,  the  year  before.  They  mod- 


64 


A  STUDY  OE  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


elecl  a  statue  of  the  god  Yzamna  and  placed  it  in  the  house  of  the  chief, 
after  which,  by  a  road  ornamented  according  to  the  custom,  they  returned 
devoutly  to  the  image  of  Zac-u-Uciyeyab.  On  their  arrival,  they  perfumed 
it  with  incense  as  they  had  done  before,  and  there  cut  off  the,  head  of  a 
fowl.  The  image  having  been  afterwards  placed  on  a  litter  called  Zachia, 
they  carried  it  devoutly,  accompanying  it  with  dances  called  Alcabtan-Kam- 
Ahau.  They  carried  their  usual  drink  on  the  way,  and  arriving  at  the  house 
the  image  was  placed  in  order  before  that  of  Yzamna  and  they  made  their 
offerings,  to  divide  them  afterwards;  before  the  statue  of  Zac-u-TJayeyab 
they  presented  the  head  of  a  turkey,  patties  of  quails,  different  drinks,  etc. 

“As  formerly,  there  were  among  the  spectators  some  who  drew  blood 
from  themselves,  with  which  they  rubbed  the  stone  of  the  god  Zac-Acantun. 
In  this  manner  they  guarded  the  idols  during  the  days  preceding  the  new 
year,  and  incensed  them  according  to  their  custom  until  the  last  day;  then 
they  carried  Yzamna  to  the  temple  and  Zac-u-TJayeyab  to  the  west  of  the 
city,  leaving.it  there  until  the  following  year. 

“The  misfortunes  to  which  they  were  exposed  this  year,  if  they  hap¬ 
pened  to  neglect  these  different  ceremonies,  were  fainting  fits,  swoons,  and 
diseases  of  the  eye.  They  considered  it  as  a  year  unfortunate  as  to  bread, 
but  abundant  in  cotton.  It  was  this  which  they  signalized  with  the  char¬ 
acter  Yx,  and  in  which  the  Bacab  Zac-Ciui  reigned,  who  foretold  nothing 
very  good;  according  to  their  belief,  the  year  must  bring  calamities  of  all 
sorts,  a  great  want  of  water,  days  when  the  sun  would  shine  with  excessive 
heat  which  would  dry  up  the  fields  of  maize;  the  consequence  would  be 
famine;  from  famine  arose  robberies  and  from  robberies  slavery  for  those 
who  rendered  themselves  guilty.  All  this  would  naturally  be  the  source  of 
discord  and  internal  wars  among  the  citizens  and  among  the  towns.  They 
believed  that  in  the  year  marked  by  this  sign  there  also  generally  happened 
changes  among  the  princes  or  the  priests,  in  consequence  of  the  wars  and 
dissensions. 

“Another  omen  which  they  also  held,  was  that  some  of  those  who 
sought  tp  gain  authority  would  not  arrive  at  their  end.  This  year  was 
also  sometimes  signalized  by  an  irruption  of  locusts,  the  consequence  of 
which  would  be  famine  and  the  depopulation  of  a  large  number  of  locali- 


thomas]  FESTIVALS  AT  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  CAUAC  YEARS.  65 


ties.  In  order  to  remedy  these  calamities,  which  they  feared  entirely  or  in 
part,  they  made,  at  the  instigation  of  the  demon,  the  statue  of  an  idol  named 
Kindi- A hau- Yzamna ;  they  placed  it  in  the  temple,  where  they  offered  to  it 
all  kinds  of  incense  and  oblations,  drawing  their  blood  and  sprinkling  with  it 
the  stone  of  the  god  Zac-Acantun.  They  executed  different  dances,  the  old 
women  dancing  as  usual;  at  this  feast  they  formed  anew  a  small  oratory 
to  the  demon;  they  assembled  there  to  offer  sacrifice  to  him  and  to  give 
him  presents,  and  finished  with  a  solemn  orgie,  where  every  one  became 
intoxicated,  for  this  feast  was  general  and  obligatory.  There  were  also  some 
fanatics  who,  of  their  own  accord,  and  through  devotion,  made  another  idol, 
like  that  which  is  mentioned  above,  which  they  carried  into  other  temples, 
making  it  offerings  and  intoxicating  themselves  in  its  honor.  They  regarded 
these  orgies  and  sacrifices  as  very  agreeable  to  their  idols  and  as  preserva¬ 
tives  capable  of  preventing  the  misfortunes  with  which  they  believed  them¬ 
selves  threatened.” 

“  XXXVIII. — Sacrifices  of  the  new  year  at  the  sign  of  Cauac — Evil  prognos¬ 
tics  prevented  by  the  fire  dance. 

“This  year,  of  which  the  dominical  letter  was  Cauac  and  the  omen 
Hozanek ,  after  they  had  elected  a  chief  of  the  ceremonies,  they  formed,  in 
order  to  celebrate  it,  the  image  of  the  god  Ek-u-Uayeyab ;  they  carried  it  to 
the  piles  of  stone  at  the  west  entrance,  where  they  had  left  the  image  of 
the  year  before.  They  made  at  the  same  time  the  statue  of  the  god  called 
Uac-Mitun-Ahau,  which  they  placed,  as  usual,  in  the  most  convenient  spot  in 
the  chief’s  house.  From  there  they  went  together  to  the  place  where  they 
found  the  image  of  Ek-u-Uayeyab ,  having  taken  care  previously  to  orna¬ 
ment  the  road;  arriving  there,  the  nobles  and  priests  incensed  this  image, 
after  their  custom,  and  cut  off  the  head  of  a  fowl.  When  this  was  finished, 
the}’  took  the  statue  on  a  litter  called  Yaxek  and  placed  on  its  shoulders  a 
gourd  with  a  dead  man  and,  besides,  the  ashes  of  a  bird  which  they  called 
Kuch ,  as  a  sign  of  great  mortality;  for  this  year  was  considered  very  unfor¬ 
tunate. 

“They  afterwards  carried  it  about  in  this  manner,  with  devotion  min¬ 
gled  wdth  sadness,  executing  several  dances,  among  which  there  was  one 
5  M  T 


66 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


like  the  crottees,  which  they  called  Xibalba- Okot,  which  signified  dance  of 
the  demons.  In  this  interval  the  cup-bearer  arrived  with  the  drink  for  the 
nobles,  which  they  drank  in  the  place  where  the  statue  of  Uac-Mitun-Ahau 
stood  vis-ci-vis  with  the  image  of  which  they  had  the  care.  Immediately 
they  commenced  the  oblations,  the  perfuming,  and  their  prayers;  a  great 
number  drew  blood  from  different  parts  of  their  bodies  and  anointed  with 
it  the  stone  idol  called  JEkel-Acantun.  Thus  passed  the  unfortunate  days, 
after  which  they  carried  Uac-Mitun  AJiau  to  the  temple  and  JEk-u-  Uayeyab 
to  the  south  entrance,  where  they  left  it  until  the  following  year. 

“This  year,  signalized  by  the  character  Cauac,  and  in  which  the  Bacab- 
Hozanek  rules,  besides  the  plague  with  which  it  was  threatened,  was  par¬ 
ticularly  regarded  as  fatal;  they  said  that  the  extreme  heat  of  the  sun 
destroyed  the  fields  of  maize,  without  considering  the  multiplication  of 
ants  and  birds  that  devoured  the  remainder  of  the  seed;  however,  they 
added,  these  calamities  need  not  be  entirely  general,  there  were  some 
places  where  subsistence  could  be  obtained,  although  with  great  difficulty. 
To  prevent  these  calamities  they  made,  at  the  instigation  of  the  demon, 
four  idols,  named  Chiciiac-Chob ,  Bkbalam-Chac,  Ahcan-Uolcab ,  and  Ahbuluc- 
Balarn ;  after  having  placed  these  together  in  the  temple,  where  they  per¬ 
fumed  them  as  usual,  they  presented  to  them  two  pellets  of  resin  named 
kik,  to  be  burned,  also  iguanas,  bread,  and  a  miter,  with  a  bouquet  of  flowers 
and  a  stone  which  they  considered  of  great  value.  Besides,  they  raised,  for 
the  celebration  of  this  feast,  a  large  arch  of  wood  in  the  court,  filling  it  with 
wood  above  and  on  the  sides  in  order  to  burn,  leaving  in  it,  however, 
gateways  for  entering  in  and  going  out.  Then,  the  greater  part  of  the 
men  took  each  one  a  bundle  of  long  dry  sticks  and,  while  a  musician 
mounted  on  the  top  of  the  funeral  pile  sang  and  beat  the  tambour,  all 
danced  with  much  order  and  devotion,  entering  in  and  going  out,  one  after 
the  other,  under  the  arch.  They  continued  to  dance  in  this  manner  until 
evening,  when,  leaving  their  bundles  of  sticks,  the}^  went  home  to  rest  and 
refresh  themselves. 

“When  night  fell  they  returned,  accompanied  by  a  great  crowd;  for 
this  ceremony  was  regarded  with  great  respect  among  them.  Each  one 
taking  then  his  bundle,  lighted  it  and  put  the  fire  on  the  funeral  pile,  which 


U  S. 6,  AND  G.  SURVEY 


MANUSCRIPT  TROAN'O  PL -I- 


X.  Sinclair  &  S  on  Lilli- 


FAC-SIMILE  OF  PLATE  XX  OF  THE  CODEX  TROA NO 


THOMAS.] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  IN  THE  PLATES. 


67 


immediately  caught  fire  and  burned  rapidly.  As  soon  as  there  was  only 
one  brand  left  burning  they  announced  it  to  the  throng,  and  those  who  had 
danced  before  assembled  together  and  attempted  to  cross  it,  some  passing 
over  without  injury  and  some  being  slightly  or  seriously  burned,  imagining 
that  thus  the}7  prevented  the  plague  and  the  anger  of  the  gods,  and  to 
avert  the  evil  omens  of  the  year,  in  the  belief  that  nothing  could  be  more 
conciliating  to  their  gods  than  this  kind  of  sacrifice. 

“This  finished,  they  returned  home  to  drink  and  intoxicate  themselves; 
for  this  was  required  by  the  custom  of  the  feast  and  the  heat  of  the  fire.” 

If  we  turn  now  to  Plates  25,  26,  27,  and  28  of  the  Dresden  Codex  and 
study  them  carefully,  I  think  we  shall  find  enough  there  to  warrant  us  in 
deciding  that  they  are  intended  to  represent  these  four  festivals. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  apparent  that  these  four  plates,  'which  are  copied 
on  our  Plates  V,  VI,  VII,  VIII,  all  relate  to  the  same  subject,  and  that  they 
are  quite  different  from  those  which  precede  or  follow  them. 

In  the  second  place,  the  left-hand  day-column  of  each  plate  contains 
but  two  days,  and  in  each  case  these  are  the  last  two  of  the  intercalated 
days;  those  on  Plate  25  (PI.  V)  being  Eb  and  Ben,  the  last  two  days  of  the 
Muluc  years;  on  Plate  26  (PI.  VI),  Caban  and  Ezanab,  the  last  two  of  the 
lx  years;  on  Plate  27  (PI.  VII),  Ik  and  Akbal,  the  last  two  of  the  Cauac 
years;  and  those  on  Plate  28  (PI.  VIII),  Manik  and  Lamat,  the  last  two  of 
the  Kan  years.  A  fact  worthy  of  note  in  this  connection  is  that  each  of 
these  days  is  repeated  thirteen  times,  the  exact  number  of  each  of  these 
years  in  a  cycle. 

In  the  third  place,  we  see  in  the  lowest  compartment  of  each  plate 
the  priest  holding  in  his  hand  a  headless  fowl;  agreeing  exactly  with 
Landa’s  words,  “ clegollavan  una  gallina  y  se  la  presentavan  o  offrecian” ;  “they 
beheaded  a  fowl  and  presented  it  as  an  offering.” 

In  the  upper  division  of  each  we  see  the  chosen  assistant  with  the 
head  and  tail  of  the  Chac,  bearing  on  his  back  the  newly-formed  image  on 
his  march  to  the  heap  of  stones  at  the  border  of  the  village,  or  to  the  house 
of  the  selected  chief. 

In  the  middle  division  we  see  the  priest  burning  incense,  in  order,  as 
was  their  custom,  to  drive  away  the  evil  spirit;  the  sign  or  glyph  “Ik”  in 


68 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


the  midst  of  the  flame  renders  almost  certain  the  correctness  of  this  inter¬ 
pretation. 

This  agreement  in  so  many  particulars  between  these  plates  and  Lauda’s 
statements  is  certainly  sufficient  to  warrant  us  in  assuming  that  the  two  refer 
to  the  same  things;  that  is,  to  the  festivals  held  during  the  TJayeyab  liaab  or 
closing  days  of  the  different  years. 

Before  attempting  to  show  the  relation  these  plates  of  the  Dresden 
Codex  bear  to  those  of  the  Manuscript  Troano,  it  will  be  necessary  for  me 
to  ask  the  reader  to  examine  them  carefully  as  I  enter  into  more  particular 
details. 

It  is  apparent  from  Landa’s  language  that  the  festival  of  the  last  days 
of  one  year  was  intended  as  a  celebration  of  the  new  or  incoming  year; 
that  is  to  say,  the  festival  of  the  last  days  of  the  Kan  year  was  intended  as 
a  celebration  of  the  incoming  Muluc  year,  and,  in  fact,  did  not  close  until 
the  first  or  second  day  of  the  latter.  This  being  the  case,  we  presume  that 
the  plate  containing  the  last  two  days  of  the  Kan  year,  for  example,  repre¬ 
sents  the  commencement  of  the  Muluc. year,  and  that  some,  at  least,  of  the 
figures  and  characters  shown  on  it  refer  to  that  year.  Following  up  this 
idea,  I  conclude  that  Plate  25,  on  which  the  days  are  Eb  and  Ben,  the  last 
days  of  the  Muluc  year,  refers  to  the  commencement  of,  and  may  properly 
be  called  the  plate  of  the  lx  years;  that  Plate  26  refers  to  the  beginning  of 
the  Cauac  years,  Plate  27  to  the  Kan  years,  and  Plate  28  to  the  Muluc 
years. 

Taking  for  granted  that  this  conclusion  is  correct — which  I  think  few 
if  any  will  doubt — let  us  see  what  further  can  be  deduced  from  it. 

Landa,  Cogulludo,  and  Perez  tell  us  that  each  of  the  four  dominical 
days  was  referred  by  the  Indians  to  one  of  the  four  cardinal  points.  As  the 
statements  of  these  three  authorities  appear  at  first  sight  to  conflict  with 
each  other,  let  us  see  if  we  can  bring  them  into  harmony  without  resorting 
to  a  violent  construction  of  the  language  used.  Perez’s  statement  is  clear 
and  distinct,  and  as  it  was  made  by  one  thoroughly  conversant  with  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  natives,  and  also  with  all  the  older  authorities, 
it  is  doubtless  correct. 

He  says,  “  the  Indians  made  a  little  wheel  in  which  they  placed  the  initial 


THOMAS.] 


ASSIGNMENT  OF  YEARS  TO  THE  CARDINAL  POINTS. 


69 


days  of  the  year.  Kan  at  the  east ,  Muluc  at  the  north ,  Gix  o«r  Hix  at  the 
west ,  and  Gauac  at  the  south,  to  be  counted  in  the  same  order.”1 

The  statement  of  Cogulludo,  which  agrees  substantially  with  this,  is  as 
follows:  “  They  fixed  the  first  year  at  the  east ,  to  which  they  gave  the  name 
Cuch-haab ;  the  second  at  the  ivest,  and  called  it  Hiix ;  the  third  at  the  south, 
named  Cauac,  and  the  fourth,  Muluc ,  at  the  north.” 

Turning  now  to  Landa’s  work  (Relac.  des  Cosas,  §§  XXXIV).  we  are 
somewhat  surprised  to  find  the  following  language:  “The  first  of  these 
dominical  letters  is  Kan.  The  year  having  this  character  was  the  first,  and 
had  for  its  sign  the  Bacab,  the  other  names  of  which  were  Hobnil ,  Kanal- 
Bacab ,  Kan-pauali-tun ,  Kan-xib-chac.  They  placed  this  on  the  south  side. 
The  second  letter  is  Muluc,  which  is  placed  on  the  eastern  side,  and  this  year 
has  for  its  sign  the  Bacab,  which  is  called  Canzienal,  Chacal-Bacab,  Chac- 
pauali-tun,  Chac-xib-chac.  The  third  of  these  letters  is  Yx.  The  sign  during 
this  year  was  the  Bacab  named  Zac-zini,  Zacal-Bacab ,  Zac-pauah-tun,  Zac-xib- 
chac,  and  it  signified  the  northern  side.  The  fourth  letter  is  Cauac;  the  sign 
of  this  year  is  the  Bacab  called  Hozan-ek ,  Ekel-Bacab,  Ek-pauah-tun,  Ek- 
xib-chac,  which  is  assigned  to  the  western  side.”2 

This,  as  we  see,  places  Kan  at  the  south,  Muluc  at  the  east,  lx  at  the 
north,  and  Cauac  at  the  west,  conflicting  directly  with  the  statements  made 
b}"  Cogulludo  and  Perez.  If  we  turn  now  to  the  descriptions  of  the  four 
feasts  as  given  by  Landa,  and  heretofore  quoted,  I  think  we  shall  find  an 
explanation  of  this  difference.  From  his  account  of  the  feast  at  the  com¬ 
mencement  of  the  Kan  year  (the  intercalated  days  of  the  Cauac  year),  we 
learn  that  first  they  made  an  idol  called  Kan-u-uayeyab,  which  they  bore  to 
the  heap  of  stones  on  the  south  side  of  the  village;  next  they  made  a  statue 
of  the  god  Bolon-Zacab,  which  they  placed  in  the  house  of  the  elected  chief, 

1“Estos  iudios  pintavan  una  rucda  pequefia,  en  la  dial  ponian  los  cuatro  geroglificos  de  los  dias 
con  que  principiava  el  afio,  Kan  al  oriente,  Muluc  al  uorto,  Hix  al  ponieute,  y  Cauac  al  sur,  para  que  se 
coutasen  en  cl  mismo  ordeu.”  (Cronologia  Antigua,  §  VII.) 

2  “La  primera  pues  dc  las  letras  dominicales  es  Kan.  El  afio  que  esta  letra  servia  era  el  aguero 
del  Bacab  que  por  otros  noinbres  llaman  Hobnil,  Kanal  Bacab,  Kan-pauah-tun,  Kan-xib  chac.  A  estesefia- 
lavan  a  la  parte  de  medio  dia.  La  segunda  letra  es  Muluc  sefialavanle  al  oriente,  su  afio  era  aguero  el 
Bacab  que  llaman  Canzienal ,  Chacal  Bacab,  Chac-pauah-lun,  Chac-xib-chac.  La  tercera  letra  es  Yx.  Su  afio 
era  aguero  el  Bacab  que  llaman  Zaczini-z a ca l -Bacab,  Zac-paualitun,  Zac-xibchac,  sefialavanle  ala  parte  del 
norte.  La  quatra  letra  es  Cauac;  su  afio  era  aguero  el  Bacab  que  llaman  Hozanek,  Elcel-Bacab,  Ek-pauah- 
tun,  Ek-xib-chac ;  a  este  sefialavan  a  la  parte  del  poniente.’1 


70 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


or  chief  chosen  for  the  occasion.  This  done,  they  returned  to  the  idol  on 
the  southern  stone  heap,  where  certain  religious  ceremonies  were  performed, 
after  which  they  returned  with  the  idol  to  the  house,  where  they  placed  it 
vis-a-vis  with  the  other — -just  as  we  see  in  the  lower  division  of  Plates  XX- 
XXIII  of  the  Manuscript  Troano.  Here  they  kept  constant  vigil  until  the 
unlucky  days  ( Uayeb-haab )  had  expired  and  the  new  Kan  year  appeared  ; 
then  they  took  the  statue  of  Bolon-Zacab  to  the  temple  and  the  other  idol 
to  the  heap  of  stones  at  the  east  side  of  the  village,  where  it  was  to  remain 
during  the  year,  doubtless  intended  as  a  constant  reminder  to  the  common 
people  of  what  year  was  passing. 

Similar  transfers  were  made  at  the  commencement  of  the  other  years; 
at  that  of  Muluc,  first  to  the  east,  then  to.  the  house,  and  then  to  its  final 
resting  place  on  the  north  side;  of  lx,  first  to  the  north,  then  to  the  west;1 
of  Cauac,  first  to  the  west,  then  to  the  south. 

This  movement  agrees  precisely  with  the  order  given  by  Perez;  and 
the  final  resting  places  of  the  idols  for  the  year  being  the  cardinal  points  of 
the  dominical  days  where  he  fixes  them;  that  is,  Kan  at  the  east;  Muluc  at 
the  north;  lx  at  the  west,  and  Cauac  at  the  south. 

There  is  therefore  no  real  disagreement  between  the  authorities  on  this 
point. 

If  we  turn  now  to  Plate  VI  of  the  Manuscript  Troano  we  find  these 
four  characters  in  the  spaces  of  the  upper  and  middle  divisions.  No.  3 


No.  1. 


No.  4. 


is  in  the  upper  left-hand  corner;  No.  2  in  the  lower  left-hand  corner;  No. 
1  in  the  lower  right-hand  corner,  and  No.  4  in  the  upper  right-hand  cor¬ 
ner.  We  find  the  same  characters  placed  in  the  same  order  in  the  upper 
and  middle  divisions  of  Plate  VII  and  the  upper  division  of  Plate  VII*. 
They  are  also  found  in  the  corners  of  the  spaces  of  Plates  XVIII*,  XXVI, 
XXIX*,  XXX*,  XXXI*,  and  XXXII*,  but  not  always  in  the  same  order. 


1  Brasseur  makes  a  mistake  in  liis  translation,  giving  cast  instead  of  west. 


U  S  G.  AND  G.  SURVEY 


MANUSCRIPT  TROANO  PL  II. 


T.  Sinclair  &  S  on  lath. 


FAC-SIMILE  OF  PLATE  XXI  OF  THE  CODEX  TROANO. 


THOMAS. J 


CHARACTERS  FOR  TOE  CARDINAL  POINTS. 


71 


Turning  to  the  “title  page”  of  the  same  manuscript,  we  find  that  these  are 
the  first  four  characters  in  the  second  transverse  line. 

The  position  of  the  characters  on  the  plates  mentioned  led  me,  at  an 
early  stage  of  my  investigations,  to  believe  they  were  intended  to  denote  the 
four  cardinal  points;  but  the  fact  that  the  order  was  not  always  the  same, 
and  the  apparent  impossibility  of  finding  words  in  the  Maya  lexicon  agree¬ 
ing  with  Landa’s  letter  characters  and  at  the  same  time  denoting  the  cardi¬ 
nal  points,  induced  me  for  a  time  to  doubt  the  correctness  of  this  theory; 
but  the  discovery  of  the  signification  of  these  four  plates  of  the  Dresden 
Codex  induces  me  now  to  believe  that  this  first  impression  was  correct.  It  is 
possible  these  characters  have  also  some  other  signification,  but  that  they 
are  intended  to  designate  the  cardinal  points  I  can  no  longer  doubt. 

In  the  last  or  lowest  transverse  line  of  characters  on  Plate  27  of  the 
Dresden  Codex  (our  Plate  VII) — the  one  relating  to  the  close  of  the  Cauac 
and  commencement  of  the  Kan  years — we  find  the  character  No.  1  (Fig.  8) 
in  close  proximity  with  another  character,  which  I  will  presently  show  signi¬ 
fies  “stone”  or  a  “heap  of  stones.”  If  this  indicates  a  cardinal  point  it  must 
be  south  or  east;  if  it  refers  to  the  place  to  which  the  idol  was  first  taken  it 
would  then  signify  south,  if  to  its  last  resting  place  it  would  then  signify 
east.  In  the  corresponding  line  of  Plate  28  (our  Plate  VIII)  we  find  char¬ 
acter  No.  2;  in  that  of  25  (our  Plate  V),  character  No.  3;  in  that  of  26  (our 
Plate  VI),  character  No.  4.  If  we  suppose  these  characters  to  indicate  the 
final  resting  places  of  the  idols  then  character  No,  1  would  signify  east,  2 
north,  3  west,  and  4  south;  but  if  the  first  resting  place,  then  character  No. 
1  would  signify  south,  No.  2  east,  No.  3  north,  and  No.  4  west.  That  Nos. 
1  and  3  relate  to  the  places  of  the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun,  I  think  is 
evident  from  the  following  facts: 

First.  That  these  are  the  only  two  out  of  the  four  characters  which 
have  anything  similar  in  them. 

Second.  The  lower  half  of  each  is  precisely  like  the  lower  half  of 
Landa’s  symbol  for  the  month  Yaxldn,  from  which  we  may  infer  that  it 
signifies  kin ,  “sun.”  This  also  agrees  with  the  fact  that  the  Maya  words 
for  east  and  west  ( likin ,  chikin )  both  end  with  “kin,”  which  signifies  sun 
or  day.  Although  Landa  gives  this  figure  without  the  wing  as  the  character 


72 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


for  the  letter  “T,”  I  think  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  when  combined  with 
the  side  wing  it  signifies  “sun”  or  “day,”  both  words  being  the  same  in  the 
Maya  language.  I  find  that  Brasseur  and  Dr.  Valentini1  reached  the  same 
conclusion  respecting  this  character,  which  bears  some  resemblance  to  the 


Mexican  symbol  for  day 


year. 


,  and  a  still  closer  resemblance  to  that  for 


I  am  satisfied,  therefore,  that  these  two  characters  refer  to 


the  east  and  the  west,  and  hence  that  the  only  point  left  for  us  to  decide  is, 
which  appertains  to  the  east  and  which  to  the  west.  This  I  think  may  be 
determined  from  the  plates  of  the  Dresden  Codex.  If  No.  1  on  Plate  27 
must  there  be  either  south  or  east,  and  our  reasoning  showing  that  it  could 
not  be  either  south  or  north  be  correct,  it  follows  that  it  must  signify  east, 
the  direction  assigned  to  the  Kan  year,  and  that  here  it  refers  to  the  final 
resting  place  of  the  idol  Kan-u-TJayeyab. 

If  I  am  so  far  correct  then  character  No.  1  (Fig.  8)  signifies  east,  No. 
2  north,  No.  3  west,  and  No.  4  south. 

If  we  turn  now  to  Plates  46,  47,  48,  49,  and  50  of  this  Codex  we  find 
on  each,  two  square  groups  or  masses  of  characters  consisting  of  either  five 
or  six  transverse  lines  and  four  columns.  One  transverse  line  of  each  group 
is  composed  of  these  four  characters,  which,  as  I  believe,  are  here  used  to 
indicate  the  cardinal  points.  Assuming  my  interpretation  of  them  to  be 
correct,  it  will  be  necessary  to  read  these  lines  from  right  to  left  to  obtain 
the  order  given  by  Perez;  for  example  the  lines  on  these  plates  read,  as 
the  characters  stand,  thus: 

First  group,  Plate  46. — North,  east,  south,  west. 

Second  group,  Plate  46. — West,  north,  east,  south. 

First  group,  Plate  47. — North,  east,  south,  west. 

Second  group,  Plate  47. — West,  north,  east,  south. 

First  group,  Plate  48. — North,  east,  south,  west. 

Second  group,  Plate  48. — West,  north,  east,  south. 

And  the  same  on  Plates  49  and  50.  Reading  these  from  the  right  to 
the  left  we  have  the  order  given  by  Perez,  but  the  initial  days  will  be  as 


Also  Rosny. 


THOMAS.] 


ASSIGNMENT  OF  DAYS  TO  THE  CARDINAL  POINTS. 


78 


follows:  for  the  groups  marked  “first,”  lx,  and  for  those  marked  “second,” 
Gauac,  and  the  order  in  which  they  succeed  each  other,  as  follows: 

1st.  Ix,  Cauac,  Kan,  Muluc. 

2d.  Cauac,  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix. 

The  first  agrees  exactly  with  the  order  of  the  days  referred  to  by 
Plates  25-28  of  this  Codex,  and  the  second  precisely  with  Plates  XX- 
XXIII  of  the  Manuscript  taken  in  reverse  order  to  the  paging.  The  first 
also  agrees  exactly  with  the  order  in  which  the  first  four  characters  in  the 
second  line  of  the  title  page  of  the  Manuscript  come,  if  read  from  left  to 
right  as  the  numbers  above  them  indicate.  If  we  turn  to  Plate  XXXII*  of 
the  last-mentioned  Manuscript1  we  will  see  that  the  left-hand  column  of  the 
upper  division  consists  of  the  four  dominical  days  placed  in  the  following 
order,  reading  from  the  top  downward:  Ix,  Cauac,  Kan,  Muluc,  precisely  in 
the  order  of  the  four  plates  of  the  Dresden  Codex;  we  also  find  in  the  space 
of  this  division  the  characters  which  I  have  supposed  mark  the  cardinal 
points,  but  placed  as  shown  here. 


West. 

East. 

Horth. 

South. 

Landa,  speaking  of  the  ceremonies  connected  with  the  making  of  idols 
of  wood,  remarks  (p.  308)  that  “they  offered  incense  to  the  four  gods 
called  Acantunes,  which  they  had  placed  at  the  four  parts  of  the  world”  (the 
four  cardinal  points).  But  these  were  of  stone,  as  we  have  already  learned 
from  the  extracts  referring  to  the  festivals  of  the  supplemental  days. 

In  the  lowest  division  of  Plate  XXV*  there  are  four  idols  over  which 
are  these  four  characters;  the  first,  or  left-hand  one,  is  the  headless  figure 
seen  on  Plate  XXIII,  the  character  over  it  that  which  denotes  the  west; 
the  second  the  spotted  dog  seen  on  Plates  XX  and  XXI,  the  character  over 
it  signifies  the  north;  the  third  a  monkey,  possibly  the  same  as  seen  in  the 
lower  division  of  Plate  XXI,  the  character  over  it  the  east;  the  fourth  a 
bird,  the  character  over  it  the  south. 


Roman  numerals  refer  to  the  plates  of  the  Manuscript ;  Arabics  to  those  of  the  Codex. 


74 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


There  are  other  plates  on  which  these  characters  appear  to  indicate 
the  cardinal  points,  but  what  has  been  given  is  sufficient  to  show  the  evi¬ 
dence  upon  which  I  base  my  opinion  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  characters. 
The  presence  of  these  on  Plates  25-28  of  the  Codex,  in  the  manner  there 
given,  is  perhaps  the  surest  guide  as  to  the  quarters  to  which  they  respect¬ 
ively  belong;  the  fact  the}"  are  so  often  found  occupying  the  four  corners 
of  the  spaces  of  the  plates  of  the  Manuscript  is  what  leads  us  to  suspect 
that  they  indicate  the  cardinal  points.  The  chief,  and,  so  far  as  I  can  see, 
the  only  objection  to  this  interpretation  is  the  occasional  change  of  order 
in  the  spaces;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  this  seldom,  if  ever,  occurs  where  they 
are  in  a  line.  The  chief  doubt  is  as  to  the  points  assigned  them. 

If  my  explanation  is  correct,  then  it  is  possible  that  the  Maya  words 
which  they  represent  are  as  follows  : 

No.  1  (Fig.  8),  Likin,  “east.”  No.  2,  Xaman ,  “north.” 

No.  3,  Childn ,  “west.”  No.  4,  Ala-yam ,  “the  middle  of  the  earth” 
(south),  or  Nohol ,  “south.” 

The  inverted  character  for  Ahau  in  No.  3,  and  that  for  Manik  in  No.  1, 
may  raise  an  objection  in  the  minds  of  some  to  this  interpretation,  but  the 
reader  must  bear  in  mind  that  I  do  not  yet  insist  that  these  characters  are 
the  symbols  for  the  words  above  given.  They  may  refer  to  priests,  uten¬ 
sils,  or  other  things  connected  with  or  used  during  religious  ceremonies; 
for  example,  No.  3  may  be  the  symbol  for  Alildn ,  “priest,”  No.  4,  for  Mayac , 
“table”;  No.  2  for  Am,  the  sacred  stone  used  in  casting  the  horoscope,  &c., 
but  at  the  same  time  these,  by  the  relative  positions  they  occupy  during 
ceremonies,  may  serve  to  indicate  the  cardinal  points,  and  hence  the  days. 
This  being  the  case,  the  characters,  by  long  usage  for  this  purpose,  would 
ultimately  become  the  symbols  of  this  secondary  signification. 

Referring  again  to  Landa’s  account  of  the  festivals,  here- 
tofore  quoted,  we  observe  that  one  of  the  idols  was  finally 
placed  on  the  heap  of  stones  at  the  margin  of  the  village  In 
the  lowest  division  of  each  of  the  plates — 25-28  of  the  Co¬ 
dex — we  see  an  idol  resting  on  a  character  like  this  (Fig.  9); 
the  idol  on  Plate  25,  with  a  head  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the  Tlaloc 


Fig.  9. 


U.S.G.  AND  G.  SURVEY 


MANUSCRIPT  TROANO  PL  III. 


FAC-SIMILE  OF  PLATE  XXII  OF  THE  CODEX  TROANO 


THOMAS ] 


EXPLANATION  OE  FIGUIIES 


75 


figures  in  the  Manuscript;  those  on  Plates  26,  27,  and  28  apparently 
part  of  the  trunk  of  a  tree  clothed,  and  around  which  a  serpent  is  coiled. 
From  this  fact  I  infer  that  the  character  signifies  a  “stone”  or  “stone-heap.” 
The  same  character  is  also  found  under  the  figures  placed  opposite  each 
other  in  the  lower  divisions  of  Plates  XX— XXIII  of  the  Manuscript,  the 
only  exception  being  that  under  the  left  figure  in  the  lower  division  of 
Plate  XXII.  I  had,  from  a  study  of  the  character  itself,  come  to  the  con¬ 
clusion,  previous  to  the  discovery  of  the  signification  of  the  four  plates  of 
the  Codex,  that  it  was  the  symbol  for  stone,  especially  for  the  stone  used 
in  marking  the  divisions  between  periods  of  time.  I  was  led  to  this  con¬ 
clusion  by  a  careful  comparison  of  Landa’s  symbol  for  the  month  Pax  with 
other  similar  characters  in  the  Manuscript.  If  I  am  correct  in  this  opinion, 
then  the  character  probably  represents  one  of  the  two  Maya  words  Piz ,  sig¬ 
nifying  “a  stone  serving  to  form  the  divisions  in  a  Katun  or  cycle,”  or  Ppic, 
“stones  placed  one  upon  another,  serving  to  count  the  intervals  in  the 
cycles.”  We  find  this  character,  as  before  remarked,  in  the  lower  trans¬ 
verse  lines  of  the  plates  of  the  Codex,  in  close  proximity  to  the  symbols  of 
the  cardinal  points,  which  agrees  very  well  with  Landa’s  statement. 

In  the  third  or  lowest  division  of  Plate  27  we  see  the  figure  of  a  fish 
on  two  Kans,  which  are  in  a  vessel.  This  probably  represents  the  “angel” 
placed  on  the  “palo”  or  litter  “as  a  sign  of  water;”  though  it  is  possible  it 
simply  denotes  one  of  the  offerings  made  to  the  idol  before  which  it  is 
placed.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  a  similar  figure  is  found  in  the  second 
character  of  the  fifth  line  of  the  title-page  of  the  Manuscript  ;  but,  in  this 
case,  it  is  in  the  column  which  has  the  symbol  for  “south”  as  its  second 
character.  As  Plate  27  of  the  Codex  relates  to  the  close  of  a  Cauac  year, 
as  well  as  to  the  commencement  of  a  Kan  year,  the  presence  of  this  figure 
in  these  places  agrees  very  well  with  the  interpretation  above  given. 

Although  we  have  by  no  means  exhausted  our  explanation  of  the  four 
plates  of  the  Codex,  we  are  now  prepared  to  compare  them  with  the  four 
of  the  Manuscript,  and  will  proceed  to  make  the  comparison,  reserving 
what  further  interpretations  we  have  to  give  of  them  to  a  subsequent  part 
of  our  paper. 

There  are  four  plates  in  each,  relating  to  the  four  dominical  days  or 


76 


A  STUDY  OU  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


year  bearers,  and  the  days  used  to  designate  the  years  are  repeated  thirteen 
times  on  each  plate;  in  the  Codex,  the  last  two  days  of  the  year  are  selected 
for  this  purpose ;  in  the  Manuscript  the  first  only,  but  even  here  we  see  the 
symbols  of  the  terminal  days  in  the  transverse  line  between  the  two  spaces. 

The  idols  in  each  are  placed  on  the  same  character — that  which  I  have 
interpreted  as  signifying  the  “stone”  or  “stone  heap”  used  to  mark  the 
divisions  of  time.  The  serpent  appears  in  three  plates  of  each  work,  and  is 
wanting  in  the  fourth,  the  latter  in  both  cases  being  that  which  relates  chiefly 
to  the  lx  years.  At  the  bottom  of  the  lower  division  of  Plate  28  (Codex) 
we  see  a  figure  resembling  the  leg  of  a  deer  bound  by  a  double  cord ;  a 
similar  figure  appears  at  the  upper  left-hand  corner  of  the  lower  division  of 
Plate  XX  (Manuscript),  our  Plate  I.  I  think  it  is  evident  that  Brasseur 
was  right  in  interpreting  this  as  the  symbol  of  the  Maya  word  Jiau,  “the 
quarter  of  a  deer  or  other  animal,”  from  Landa’s  statement  in  his  account  of 
the  festival  of  the  Kan  year — “ davan  al  sacerdote  una  pierna  de  venado ,” 
“they  gave  the  priest  a  leg  of  venison.” 

It  is  true  that  this  figure  is  found,  in  the  Codex,  in  the  plate  supposed 
to  relate  to  the  Muluc  year,  while  in  the  Manuscript  it  is  in  that  which 
applies  to  the  lx  year,  and  that  in  Landa  it  is  mentioned  in  connection  with 
the  ceremonies  of  the  Kan  year ;  but  this  is  not  sufficient  to  destroy  the 
value  of  these  coincidences  in  our  effort  to  interpret  these  plates.  For,  in 
the  first  place,  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  the  Codex  relates  to  the 
same  time  and  place  as  the  Manuscript ;  in  the  second  place,  each  of  the 
plates  in  both  wrorks  appears  to  refer,  in  part,  to  two  years ;  in  the  third 
place,  Landa’s  description  is  not  sufficiently  exact  and  minute  to  make  the 
comparison  full  and  complete.  I  ruay  also  add  that,  while  the  plates  of  the 
Codex  appear  to  relate  only  to  the  ceremonies  of  the  supplemental  days,  those 
of  the  Manuscript  apparently  refer  to  other  festivals,  especially  those  held  at 
the  close  and  commencement  of  long  periods  of  time.  For  example,  what 
is  symbolized  by  the  two  left-hand  figures  of  the  upper  division  of  Plate 
XXII  of  the  Manuscript  appears  to  be  represented  in  Plate  30  of  the  Codex. 

The  Uayeyab  idols  of  the  two  works  are  certainly  different  from  each 
other,  though  I  think  it  very  doubtful  whether  the  figures  in  either  are  true 
representatives  of  the  images ;  possibly  those  on  the  Codex  plates  are. 


THOMAS.] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  THE  FOUR  PLATES. 


77 


A  careful  comparison  of  the  chief  figure  in  the  lowest  division  of  Plate 
27  of  the  Codex  with  the  left-hand  figure  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate 
XXIII  of  the  Manuscript  convinces  me  that  the  two  are  intended  as  sym¬ 
bols  of  the  same  idea  or  as  representatives  of  the  same  person.  That  the 
former  is  essentially  different  from  the  corresponding  figures  on  Plates  25, 
26,  and  28  is  apparent  to  any  one  who  will  take  the  trouble  to  compare 
them.  The  cape  is  here  in  front  instead  of  on  the  back.  The  anklets  and 
bracelets — which  appear  to  be  used  as  tokens  of  caste — are  different  from 
the  others.  There  is  also  a  wide  variation  in  Rie  head-dress,  which,  together 
with  the  exposed  bone  of  the  lower  jaw,  the  docked  nose,  and  lines  of  dots 
on  the  limbs,  indicate  that  this  priest  is  here  representing  Death  or  the  god 
of  Death.  A  cursory  examination  of  other  plates  of  both  works  where  the 
same  figures  will  be  found  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  any  one  of  the  correctness 
of  this  opinion.  I  refer  the  reader  who  may  have  the  works  at  hand  to 
Plates  XXX,  XXXIV,  III*,  XXII*,  XXX*,  XXXII*  of  the  Manuscript,  and 
also  Plates  6,  II,  12,  18,  45,  and  53  of  the  Codex. 

A  somewhat  similar  figure  is  borne  on  the  back  of  the  Chac  in  the 
upper  division  of  Plate  28  of  the  Codex,  on  which  we  see  the  same  brace¬ 
lets,  head-dress,  exposed  jaw-bone,  and  lines  of  dots.  Landa  states,  as  will 
be  seen  by  reference  to  his  account  of  the  festivals  of  the  intercalated  days 
heretofore  given,  that  at  the  commencement  of  the  Cauac  year  they  carried, 
among  other  things,  a  “dead  man.”  According  to  the  interpretation  given, 
Plate  27  refers  to  the  close  of  the  Cauac  and  commencement  of  the  Kan 
year,  and  28  to  the  close  of  the  Kan  and  commencement  of  the  Muluc 
year,  which  would  place  this  ceremony  in  the  year  following  that  given  by 
Landa. 

Referring  now  to  f  late  XXIII  of  the  Manuscript,  which  relates  in  part 
at  least  to  the  Cauac  years,  we  see  in  the  lower  left-hand  corner  of  the  lower 
division  a  white  figure  with  the  same  anklets  and  bracelets;  and,  although 
portly  and  apparently  clothed  with  flesh,  the  ribs  denoting  death  are  plainly 
marked.  A  hand  is  stretched  out  as  if  to  catch  the  skull,  which  is  dropping 
from  the  head-dress  that  arises  out  of  the  earthen  vessel. 

I  note  the  following  additional  items  in  which  they  correspond;  in  the 


78 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


canopies,  or  whatsoever  they  may  be,  behind  the  sitting  priests  in  the  mid¬ 
dle  divisions  of  the  four  plates  of  the  Codex  we  observe  this  figure 

a  St.  Andrew’s  cross,  surrounded  by  the  usual  circle — those  on  Plates  26 
and  28  with  the  cross  white  on  a  black  ground.  Precisely  the  same  figures 
are  found  on  three  of  the  plates  of  the  Manuscript,  those  on  XX  and  XXIII 
with  black  ground  and  white  cross. 

In  the  lowest  transverse  line  of  characters  of  each  of  the  four  plates 
of  the  Codex,  we  find,  as  heretofore  remarked,  a  symbol  of  one  of  the 
cardinal  points.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  the  plates  of  the  Manuscript,  as 
will  be  seen  by  examining  the  lowest  transverse  line  above  the  upper  space. 

The  head  of  the  Ara  is  seen  on  Plate  28  of  the  Codex  in  the  same 
space  (lowest  division)  as  the  bound  “leg  of  venison.”  The  two  are  in  the 
Manuscript  (Plate  XX,  lower  division),  but  here  the  whole  bird  is  figured. 

In  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XX  we  notice  issuing  from  the  mouth 
of  the  dog  two  lines  of  dots  each  terminating  in  a  little  circle  or  circular 
dot.  In  the  lower  division  of  Plate  25  of  the  Codex  we  see  two  similar 
dotted  lines  arising  from  the  severed  neck  of  the  bird.  In  both  works  these 
peculiar  lines  are  on  the  lx  plates  only. 

Such  are  the  chief  resemblances  between  the  plates  of  the  two  works. 
Some,  it  is  true,  are  those  of  common  occurrence,  and  taken  alone  would 
not  be  sufficient  evidence  to  indicate  that  the  plates  relate  to  the  same  sub¬ 
ject:  but  when  we  take  all  the  resemblances  into  consideration,  especially 
the  more  important  ones  mentioned,  I  think  there  can  be  but  little  doubt 
left  upon  the  mind  of  any  one  that  these  four  plates  of  the  two  works,  in 
great  part,  at  least,  relate  to  the  same  subject — the  festivals  described  by 
Landa  as  occurring  at  the  close  of  the  years.  To#  which  year  or  years  a 
given  plate  refers  I  admit  is  a  point  in  regard  to  which  there  is  yet  some 
uncertainty.  This  necessarily  leaves  us  in  some  doubt  respecting  the  proper 
assignment  of  the  cardinal  or  direction  symbols;  but  this  fact  does  not 
affect  the  general  correctness  of  my  conclusions  as  to  the  subject-matter  of 
these  plates  and  the  meaning  of  the  figures  and  characters. 

Leaving  the  further  consideration  of  the  plates  of  the  Codex  to  a  future 
page,  I  will  now  call  attention  to  other  figures  and  characters  on  the  four 


U.S.G.  AND  G.  SURVEY 


MANUSCRIPT  TROANO  PL. IV. 


T.  Sinclair  &  Son,Xijth. 


FAC-SIMILE  OF  PLATE  XXIII  OF  THE  CODEX  TROANO 


TI-IOMAB.  ] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGIJBES  ON  THE  FOUR  PLATES. 


79 


plates  of  the  Manuscript  and  give  the  signification  of  them  so  far  as  I  have 
been  able  to  make  this  out.  I  will  start  with  the  assumption  that  the  con¬ 
clusion  drawn  from  the  comparison  just  made — that  they  relate  in  part  at 
least  to  the  festivals  of  the  supplemental  days — is  correct;  and  as  affording 
additional  evidence,  I  first  call  attention  to  the  following  facts:  Landa,  in  his 
account  of  the  ceremonies  relating  to  the  Muluc  year,  remarks  that  “the 
devil  commanded  them  to  offer  squirrels  and  a  cloth  cover  (or  cloth  orna¬ 
ment),  without  embroidery,  woven  by  the  old  women  whose  office  it  was  to 
dance  in  the  temple  for  the  purpose  of  appeasing  the  god  Yax-coc-Ahmut .” 

In  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XXI  (that  relating  to  the  Muluc  year) 
we  see  this  cloth,  which  we  judge  from  the  figure  was  to  be  worn  by  the 
priests.  It  is  plain  and  without  ornamentation,  save  what  is  on  the  strips 
at  the  side. 

The  same  account,  as  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  quotation  in  full 
heretofore  made,  mentions  that  “among  other  things  performed  at  this  festi¬ 
val  was  a  ballet  or  dance  executed  on  very  high  stilts”  (en  muy  altos  zancos). 
In  the  upper  division  of  the  same  plate  (XXI)  we  see  one  of  the  dancers 
on  stilts. 

It  also  states  that  “they  were  required  to  present  dogs  of  burnt  clay 
bearing  bread  on  the  back”;  that  “the  old  women  were  obliged  to  dance 
with  these  dogs  in  their  hands,  and  to  sacrifice  to  the  god  a  little  dog  with 
black  shoulders.”  In  the  lower  division  of  the  same  plate  we  observe  three 
figures  of  small  unspotted  dogs,  two  of  which  are  seated  on  human  feet, 
which  is  doubtless  intended  to  denote  that  they  are  carried  during  the 
dance.  To  the  right  is  another  figure  of  a  dog  marked  with  large  black 
spots,  and  bearing  on  its  back  the  symbol  of  Ymix  or  Imix  mounted  on 
that  of  Kan. 

It  is  true  these  figures  do  not  agree  exactly  with  Landa’s  description, 
as  he  does  not  appear  to  refer  to  the  two  classes  of  dog  images — the  plain 
and  the  spotted — but  to  the  latter  only.  But  we  may  expect  this  writer, 
who  mentions  these  things  more  incidentally  than  otherwise,  to  be  more  or 
less  confused  where  so  many  particulars  are  to  be  remembered,  especially 
if  his  work  was  written  in  Spain,  where  he  had  necessarily  to  rely  to  a 
great  extent  upon  his  memory.  But  the  fact  that  these  figures  are  found  on 


80 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


the  plate  that  relates  to  the  Muluc  years;  the  peculiarly  marked  dog,  bearing 

t 

these  symbols  on  its  back;  the  little  dog  images  on  the  feet,  together  with 
the  agreement  in  other  particulars,  are  sufficient  to  warrant  us  in  concluding 
that  these  figures  relate  to  the  ceremonies  he  describes.  Taking  the  figures 
and  statement  together  I  conclude  that  the  little  plain  dog-images,  three  of 
which  are  represented,  were  those  carried  during  the  dance,  while  the 
spotted  one  bearing  the  characters  on  its  back — of  which  there  is  but  a 
single  figure — represents  that  which  was  to  be  sacrificed.  In  the  collection 
of  pottery  made  by  Colonel  Stevenson  in  1880  among  the  Pueblos  of  New 
Mexico,  are  quite  a  number  of  plain  little  animal  images,  chiefly  those  of 
birds,  which  he  informs  me  were  used  in  like  manner  by  the  Indians  of 
these  pueblos. 

If  I  am  correct  in  this  interpretation,  we  will  then  be  warranted  in  con¬ 
cluding  that  the  double  character  (Fig.  10)  signifies  “bread,”  doubtless 
“bread  of  maize.”  Taken  separately  we  know  that  the  upper  is  used 
VlUL/  as  the  symbol  of  the  day  Ymix  or  Infix,  and  the  lower  of  Kan; 

but  the  primary  significations  of  these  words,  or  rather  the  words 
fig.  io.  that  these  symbols  stand  for,  is  somewhat  doubtful.  Perez  gives  no 
definition  of  the  former,  neither  in  his  lexicon  nor  Cronologia.  Brasseur 
gives  the  following  signification  in  his  Vocabulary — “Deep  pit;  issue  from 
a  focus  or  of  the  breast”;  but  in  a  note  to  the  Cronologia  (§  II)  he  makes 
this  remark:  “ Ymix,  written  Imox  in  the  Quiche  Calendar,  in  that  of  Chiapas 
is  represented  under  the  image  of  a  marine  monster  of  a  peculiar  form;  it 
is  the  Cipactli  of  the  Mexican  Calendar,  given  by  Nunez  de  la  Vega,  as  the 
first  father  of  the  race  of  these  countries.”  The  latter  {Kan)  has  several 
significations,  such  as  “a  cord  or  string  of  henequin,”  “yellow,”  “a  certain 
measure,”  “  red  earth,”  “  clay,”  &c.  He  also  gives  as  other  meanings,  “  in¬ 
creased,”  “elevated,”  “manifest,”  “consolidated,”  &c.  But  I  judge  from 
Perez’s  language  that  the  ancient  signification  was  somewhat  uncertain. 

The  Maya  word  for  “maize”  is  Ixim,  and  I  am  strongly  inclined  to 
believe  that  Imix  is  but  a  synonym,  also  that  the  symbol  was  originally 
used  to  signify  this  great  food  plant.  I  think  it  also  probable  that  the  sym¬ 
bol  for  Kan  was  used  originally  to  represent  the  “grain”  of  corn,  hence  the 
Gathered  and  stored  corn  or  ears,  and  that  the  name  was  derived  from  the 


THOMAS.  | 


CHARACTERS  YMIX  AND  KAN. 


81 


yellow  or  golden  color.  On  Plates  XIX*  and  XX*  of  the  second  part  of  the 
Manuscript — lowest  division — we  observe  women  bearing  burdens  on  their 
backs  in  baskets;  the  substance  carried  by  three  out  of  six  is  represented 
by  Kan  symbols,  and  is  probably  gathered  maize. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  one  of  the  names  of  their  chief  deity  Zamna 
or  Itzamna,  is  Itzen-caan ,  signifying  the  “dew  of  heaven,”  or  “substance 
from  heaven.”  Itzen  and  Itzam  are  given  by  the  lexicons  as  equivalents, 
and  tzen ,  and  its  derivatives,  contains  throughout  the  idea  of  food  or  that 
which  sustains  life.  Ixkan-Leox  was  the  name  of  a  female  divinity  supposed 
to  be  the  spouse  of  Zamna;  the  signification  of  the  name,  according  to 
Brasseur,  is  “  Celle  de  la  fronde  jaane  aux  grains  de  niais ”;  in  other  words,  the 
“silk.”  In  the  upper  division  of  Plate  19  (Codex)  is  the  figure  of  a  woman 
bearing  the  same  characters  on  her  back,  one  above  another,  as  on  the  Manu¬ 
script  plate.  Just  behind  her  is  the  figure  of  a  man  or  male  deity,  which  I 
judge  from  the  long  beard  to  be  Kukulcan,  or  Zamna,  bearing  on  his  back 
the  same  two  characters  From  these  facts  and  others  which  might  be 
mentioned  I  am  satisfied  there  was  an  intimate  connection  in  the  minds  of 
this  people  between  maize  and  this  deity. 

The  two  symbols  in  this  form  (Fig-  11),  and  also  in  reverse  order,  some¬ 
times  with  and  sometimes  without  the  accompanying  char¬ 
acters  over  them,  are  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
Manuscript  and  Codex.  That  characters  similar  to  the  ac¬ 
companying  ones  here  shown  are  used  in  the  Mexican  Codi¬ 
ces  to  represent  cakes  of  bread  or  tortillas  is  well  known;  whether  they  have 
the  same  signification  in  this  connection  is  a  point  that  will  be  discussed 
hereafter. 

Our  next  step  will  be  to  determine,  if  possible,  which  of  the  figures  shown 
on  these  plates  represent  the  Uayeyab  idols.  As  we  have  already  shown, 
there  were,  according  to  Landa,  four  of  these,  as  follows:  Kan-u-Uayeyab , 
for  the  Kan  years;  Chac-u-Uayeyab,  for  the  Muluc  years;  Zac-u-Uayeyab, 
for  the  lx  years,  and  Ek-u-Uayeyab ,  for  the  Cauac  years.  We  may  assume, 
I  think,  without  any  fear  of  being  in  error,  that  the  left-hand  figures  in  the 
lowest  division  of  the  four  plates  of  the  Codex  are  intended  as  representa¬ 
tives  of  these  images.  They  are  the  only  ones  placed  on  the  stone-heap 
0  M  T 


82 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


symbol ;  three  of  them  are  exactly  alike,  and  to  them  the  priests  are  offering 
the  decapitated  fowls. 

Turning  to  the  plates  of  the  Manuscript  we  find  the  question  more  diffi¬ 
cult  to  solve;  first,  because  there  are  on  each  plate  (except  one)  two  figures 
seated  on  stone  symbols;  and  second,  because  these  figures  are  wholly  dif¬ 
ferent  from  those  in  the  Codex.  I  think  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  one  of 
each  of  these  pairs  represents  one  of  these  idols.  But  which  one?  The 
one  not  seated  on  the  symbol  is  that  at  the  left  of  the  lower  division  of  Plate 
XXII.  We  may  therefore  assume  that  the  white  figure  at  the  right  with  a 
sinuous  line  down  the  face,  and  seated  on  the  stone  symbol  is  the  idol  Kan- 
u- Uayeyab  or  Chac-u-Uayeyab ;  the  former,  if  the  ceremonies  here  shown 
refer  to  the  commencement  of  the  Kan  year,  the  latter  if  they  refer  to  the 
close.  As  the  corresponding  figure  on  Plate  XXIII  (Cauac  year)  bears  on 
its  head  the  Kan  symbol  it  most  likely  represents  the  former,  and  that  on 
Plate  XXII  the  latter.  The  corresponding  figure  on  Plate  XXI  varies  con¬ 
siderably  from  the  other  two  noticed;  still  there  is  sufficient  resemblance  to 
induce  me  to  decide  that  it  (the  one  at  the  right  in  the  lower  division)  is  the 
Uayeyab  idol — Chac-u-Uayeyab  or  Zac-u-Uayeyab. 

The  figures  on  Plate  XX  present  still  greater  difficulty,  if  possible,  that 
on  the  right  being  wholly  different  from  the  others.  As  this  plate  refers  to 
the  lx  years  we  should  expect  this  variation,  having  found  such  to  be  the 
case  on  the  Codex  plates,  and  would  decide  at  once,  notwithstanding  this 
difference,  that  it  represented  the  Uayeyab  idol,  were  it  not  for  certain  facts 
to  be  noticed.  During  the  festival  of  the  lx  years  one  of  the  images  made 
represented  the  god  Yzamna  or  Itzamna.  Whether  this  deity  was  identical 
with  Kukulcan  or  not  is  a  question  in  reference  to  which  the  authorities  are 
undecided.  If  we  assume  they  are  identical,  the  beard  on  the  figure  at  the 
right  would  lead  us  to  conclude  that  it  was  intended  to  represent  this  deity. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  bird  with  the  protruded  tongue  seated  on  the 
head-dress  of  the  figure  at  the  left  is  one  of  the  symbols  of  Quetzalcoatl, 
the  equivalent  of  Kukulcan.  We  also  observe  that  the  Ara,  the  sun  emblem, 
is  immediately  opposite  the  latter,  toward  which  he  is  pointing  his  fingers, 
which  is  a  well-known  symbol  of  Itzamna.  Taking  all  these  facts  into 
consideration,  I  conclude  that  the  figure  to  the  right  is  the  Uayeyab  idol, 


U.  S.  G.  AND  G.  SURVEY.  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO  PI.  V. 


Fac  Simile  of  Plate  25  of  the  Dresden  Codex. 


THOMAS.  1 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  PLATE  XXIII. 


83 


and  that  the  one  at  the  left  represents  Itzamna,  whom  I  believe  to  be  a  dis¬ 
tinct  personage  from  Kukulcan.  I  have  been  unable  to  arrive  at  a  satis¬ 
factory  conclusion  in  regard  to  the  opposite  or  left-hand  figures  on  the  other 
plates,  except  that  on  Plate  XXIII,  which  I  think  represents  the  god  of 
death. 

We  will  now  turn  to  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XXIII  and  examine 
some  of  the  figures  contained  in  it.  Near  the  left  margin  is  the  figure  of  a 
headless  trunk  marked  with  dotted  lines  and  little  circles;  on  it  is  the  sym¬ 
bol  of  Caban  and  the  figure  of  a  machete.  It  is  probable  that  this  repre¬ 
sents  the  body  of  the  “dead  man”  which  Landa  says  was  carried  during 
the  festival  of  the  Cauac  years,  as  the  dotted  lines  and  circlets  thereon  cor¬ 
respond  with  that  borne  by  the  Chac  in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  28  of 
the  Codex.  As  the  festival  of  the  Cauac  years  was  observed  during  the 
closing  days  of  the  lx  years — those  with  which,  according  to  the  theory  I 
have  advanced,  the  lustres,  ahaues,  and  cycles  closed — I  think  it  probable 
this  figure  is  intended  to  signify  the  close  of  one  of  these  periods,  possibly 
the  first,  as  this  appears  to  be  the  idea  signified  in  the  Codex.  I  am  fully 
aware  of  the  difficulty  of  reconciling  this  explanation  with  the  fact  that  this 
figure  appears  on  the  plate  in  the  Codex  which  apparently  refers  to  the 
Muluc  years  and  is  marked  by  the  terminal  days  of  the  Kan  years.  But 
this  fact  will  not  warrant  the  rejection  of  my  interpretation,  as  the  error,  if 
there  is  one,  relates  to  the  order  in  which  I  have  arranged  the  years.  I 
would  also  suggest  that  it  is  possible  the  calendars  of  the  two  works  are  not 
precisely  alike — one  may  commence  the  series  with  a  different  year  from 
that  with  which  the  other  begins;  in  fact,  the  order  of  the  plates  in  the  two 
works  seems  to  indicate  this.  It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  25  of  the 
Codex  corresponds  with  XX  of  the  Manuscript,  yet  that  in  the  Codex  is  first 
while  that  of  the  Manuscript  is  the  last  of  the  four  (the  order  here  being,  as 
I  have  shown,  the  reverse  of  the  paging).  The  year  in  which  the  figure 
appears,  according  to  the  Manuscript,  corresponds  with  Landa’s  statement, 
while  that  of  the  Codex  does  not.  If  we  decide  that  the  series  of  years 
commenced  with  Kan  and  ended  with  Cauac,  the  interpretation  would  still 
agree  with  the  Manuscript  and  Landa,  as  then  we  would  have  to  suppose 
that  Plate  XXIII  refers  chiefly  to  the  close  of  the  Cauac  and  commence¬ 
ment  of  the  Kan  years. 


84 


A  STUDY  OP  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


In  the  lower  left-hand  corner  of  the  same  division  we  observe  the  fig-ure 

O 

of  a  deity,  with  a  fiery  red  lace,  marked  as  the  symbol  for  Ahau,  bearing- 
in  his  hand  a  torch  and  on  his  head  what  appears  to  be  two  little  wings 
This  I  presume  represents  Kinch-Ahau-Itzamna  (Kinch-Ahau,  the  lord  of 
the  mouth  or  eye  of  the  sun  or  day),  one  of  the  idols  made  during  the 
festival  of  the  lx  years.  Here  it  appears  to  be  sinking  out  of  sight  below 
the  western  horizon,  casting  back  its  fiery  rays  as  indicated  by  the  torch. 
As  it  belongs  to  the  lx  year,  which  is  here  brought  to  a  close,  it  would  of 
course  be  retired.  The  headless  figure  immediately  above  it,  and  the  Caban 
or  Cab  which  signifies  “to  descend”  or  “sink  below,”  and  the  signification 
of  the  blue  figure,  as  heretofore  explained,  all  agree  exactly  with  this  in¬ 
terpretation.  The  wings  [if  such  they  be]  on  the  head  probably  refer  to 
the  Ara,  the  sun  token.  The  bird  in  the  center,  seated  on  the  head-dress, 
may  possibly  represent  or  symbolize  the  “burnt  bird,”  or  “bird  reduced  to 
ashes”  (the  meaning  of  the  original  is  very  obscure),  of  which  Landa  speaks; 
the  bill  in  the  figure,  it  is  true,  is  scarcely  appropriate  for  a  rapacious  bird, 
which  the  Kuch  appears  to  have  been,  but  exact  representations  are  not  to 
be  expected  in  this  work. 

The  color  appropriate  to  the  Cauac  year  (the  one  assigned  to  the 
south),  as  indicated  by  the  Maya  word  AT,  was  black;  according  with  this, 
the  large  figure  at  the  right  of  the  upper  space,  and  the  bird  in  the  lower 
space,  are  of  this  color. 

The  serpent,  we  know,  was  a  symbol  used  in  the  Mexican  Calendar  to 
denote  a  long  period  of  time,  especially  the  cycle  of  52  years.  It  is  also  a 
prominent  figure  on  these  plates  of  the  Manuscript,  being  found,  in  three  of 
them,  coiled  under  the  clay  vessels.  (See  both  divisions  of  XXI,  XXII, 
and  XXIII  )  Under  each  of  the  vessels  in  XXIII,  and  that  of  the  upper 
division  of  XXII,  it  is  in  two  coils;  in  the  lower  division  of  the  latter  the 
head  is  thrust  out,  apparently  in  compliance  with  the  solicitation  of  the 
white  personage  to  the  right ;  on  Plate  XXI  (both  divisions)  but  one  coil 
remains;  and  on  Plate  XX  we  see  nothing  more  of  it.  What  is  it  designed 
to  represent  on  these  plates  ?  That  it  is  a  symbol  of  some  period  of  time 
will  scarcely  be  doubted  ;  but  what  period  f 


THOMAS,  j 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


85 


Turning  to  the  plates  of  the  Codex,  we  find  that  it  appears  there  also 
on  but  three  out  of  the  four,  being  absent  in  both  cases  on  the  page  refer¬ 
ring  to  the  lx  years.  We  also  observe  that  on  each  plate  of  the  Manuscript 
where  the  serpent  appears  the  vessels  bear  Kan  symbols. 

It  is  evident,  from  what  has  already  been  shown,  that  the  four  plates 
in  each  work  are  intended  to  cover  exactly  one  cycle.  This  is  proven  by 
the  fact  that  on  each  the  day  symbols  are  repeated  thirteen  times.  It  is 
true  that  the  period  embraced  by  the  plates  of  the  Manuscript  does  not  coin¬ 
cide  with  any  one  cycle,  but  it  covers  the  thirteen  different  years  of  each 
of  the  four  dominical  days,  giving  them  in  regular  order,  thus  making  one 
complete  cycle.  The  design  in  the  Codex  appears  to  be  to  indicate  in  a 
general  manner  the  character  of  the  feasts  of  the  supplemental  days  only,  and 
to  show  by  the  thirteen  day-symbols  that  this  is  to  be  applied  to  all  the  years 
of  the  cycle  ;  while  the  plates  of  the  Manuscript  are  apparently  designed  to 
give  the  same  general  idea,  but  at  the  same  time  to  refer  to  a  .specific  period, 
and  also  that  this  period  shall  include  the  close  and  commencement  of  the 
two  great  periods;  hence  the  years  are  specified  in  the  latter,  while  they 
are  not  in  the  former;  the  latter  also  includes  allusions  to  other  festivals 
than  those  of  the  Uayeyab. 

Taking  for  granted,  then,  that  these  plates  are  intended  to  cover  one 
cycle,  and  that  the  serpent  denotes  a  period  of  time,  the  natural  presump¬ 
tion  would  be  that  it  here  represents  a  cycle,  for,  although  we  find  evident 
allusion  to  the  Ahau  in  these  plates  of  the  Manuscript,  we  see  nothing  of 
the  kind  in  those  of  the  Codex.1 

We  might  very  reasonably  suppose  those  on  the  plates  of  the  Codex 
indicated  the  year,  but  a  close  inspection  of  that  on  Plate  26  will  show  that 
it  differs  considerably  from  the  other  two.  is  evidently  in  a  dying  condition, 
and  is  marked  with  the  fatal  dotted  line.  I  can  see  no  reason  for  this  dif¬ 
ference  if  they  were  used  to  denote  the  year,  and,  aside  from  this,  the  fact 
that  each  one  of  the  idols  around  which  they  are  coiled  is  crowned  with  four 
leaves,  indicating  the  four  dominical  days,  would  seem  to  forbid  this  inter¬ 
pretation,  which  certainly  cannot  be  applied  to  those  in  the  Manuscript. 

1  Tlie  reader  will  understand  that  the  word  “plates”  in  this  connection  is  to  he  understood  as 
meauiiig  only  the  four  of  which  I  have  been  treating. 


86 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


If  they  refer  to  the  cycle,  then  each  coil  will  denote  two  Indications,  a 
supposition  with  which  the  pyramid  of  four  steps  on  Plate  XXII  (to  which 
I  will  presently  allude)  agrees  very  well.  A  fact  worthy  of  notice  in  this 
connection  is  that,  proceeding  with  the  pages  in  the  order  I  have  adopted, 
we  find  on  XXIII,  where  Cauac  is  the  ruling  day,  the  two  coils  are  com¬ 
plete;  on  the  lower  or  closing  division  of  XXII,  where  Kan  is  the  ruling 
day,  one  coil  is  partially  withdrawn;  on  XXI,  where  Muluc  is  the  day, 
there  is  but  one  coil;  and  on  XX,  where  lx — the  year  with  which  the  cycle 
closes — is  referred  to,  there  is  none. 

The  most  serious  objection  to  this  theory  is  that  if  any  allusion  to  the 
Indications  were  intended  there  should  be  four  coils  instead  of  two,  as  there 
are  four  of  these  periods  in  a  cycle.  But  the  serpent  may  be  used  here  only 
as  the  symbol  of  the  cycle  and  the  coils  may  have  no  particular  significa¬ 
tion;  still  I  think  they  do  have,  as  there  are  two  to  each  on  the  Codex 
plates,  and  that  they  denote  the  two  halves  of  the  cycle.  Landa  mentions 
the  fact  that  the  two  halves  of  the  Aliau  were  specially  noted  by  the  Indians. 

It  is  possible  that  on  the  Codex  each  serpent  represents  the  series  of 
years  of  one  dominical  day  included  in  one  cycle;  that  is  to  say,  one 
column  of  a  cycle  as  given  in  the  previous  tables.  I  have  been  led  to  make 
this  suggestion  from  what  I  find  on  Plate  43  of  the  Borgian  Codex. 

Here  we  see  four  serpents,1  coiled  so  as  to  form  the  sides  of  a  square, 
and  the  four  squares  brought  together  so  as  to  bring  the  heads  to  the  center. 
On  the  body  of  each  is  a  series  of  circles  representing  as  I  believe  years; 
counting  the  small  subcaudal  one,  there  are  exactly  thirteen  on  each  ser¬ 
pent. 

Each  of  these  serpent  figures  may  represent  an  Indication,  but  the 
figure  and  the  day  signs  in  the  spaces  and  the  order  in  which  they  stand 
incline  me  to  believe  that  they  relate  to  the  series  under  the  respective 
dominical  days.  The  five  day  signs  in  the  spaces  are  doubtless  the  five 
added  days — this  can,  I  presume,  easily  be  determined ;  but  as  I  have  not 
entered  upon  the  study  of  the  Mexican  Calendar,  and  have  not  the  proper 
works  at  hand  for  this  purpose,  I  leave  this  for  others  to  decide.  In  the 
upper  right-hand  square  the  inclosed  figure  is  black,  reminding  us  of  the 


These  are.reaily  monsters,  as  they  are  represented  with  anterior  limbs. 


U.  S.  G.  AND  G.  SURVEY. 


MANUSCRIPT  TROANO  PI.  VI. 


Fac  Simile  of  Plate  '26  of  the  Dresden  Codex. 


THOMAS.] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  PLATES  XX-XXIII. 


87 


black  figure  in  Plate  XXIII  of  the  Manuscript.  In  front  of  each  inclosed 
figure,  and  immediately  over  the  head  of  the  serpent,  is  an  urn.  The  snout 
of  each  serpent  is  crowned  with  a  plume-tipped  process.  These  resem¬ 
blances,  notwithstanding  the  otherwise  great  dissimilarity  of  the  figures  of 
this  plate  of  the  Borgian  Codex  to  those  of  the  other  two  works,  render  it 
quite  probable  that  they  relate  to  the  same  general  subject.1  I  think  it 
very  probable  that  the  serpent  was  sometimes  used  to  symbolize  the  Ahau, 
as  for  example  on  Plates  33,  34,  35,  and  69  of  the  Dresden  Codex;  that  on 
Plate  33  to  denote  the  6th  Ahau,  that  on  34  the  3d;  that  on  35  the  8tli,  and 
that  on  69  the  10th.  The  lustres  are  evidently  indicated  on  the  last  by 
the  colors. 

Turning  again  to  the  plates  of  the  Manuscript,  we  notice  the  figure  of 
an  animal  of  some  kind  mounted  on  the  right-hand  personage  in  the  upper 
division  of  XXI,  XXII,  and  XXIII.  The  peculiar  form  of  the  eye  shows 
these  to  be  quadrupeds.  They  are  doubtless  mounted  on  these  individuals 
to  show  that  they  are  Chacs,  corresponding  with  those  in  the  upper  division 
of  the  Codex  plates. 

We  may  as  well  call  attention  here  to  the  fact  that  several  of  these 
things  which  appear  on  the  other  plates  and  seem  to  be  equally  applicable 
to  all  the  years  alike,  are  wanting  on  Plate  XX,  which  relates  to  the  lx 
years.  For  example,  the  serpent  is  wholly  wanting  here;  there  is  no  animal 
denoting  the  Chac,  and  one  at  least  of  the  clay  vessels  is  missing.  What 
does  this  signify  f  I  confess  that  I  am  somewhat  at  a  loss  how  to  account 
for  it,  but,  from  my  examinations  and  what  has  been  ascertained,  am  dis¬ 
posed  to  explain  it  by  the  fact  that  lx  is  the  closing  year  of  the  lusters  and 
cycles,  and  that  the  things  mentioned,  being  symbols  of  one  or  the  other  of 
these  periods  or  depending  upon  them,  properly  disappear  with  this  year. 
If  this  view  be  correct,  it  will  probably  enable  us  to  assign  a  signification  to 
the  large  (supposed)  red-clay  vessels  placed  on  the  serpent  coils  in  Plates 
XXI-XXIII.  V ayeb-haab  or  Uayeyab  (the  latter  is  but  a  contraction  of  the 

lIu  a  pamphlet  by  Sr.  J.  M.  Melgar,  of  Vera  Cruz,  entitled  “A  comparative  view  of  the  sym¬ 
bolical  signs  of  the  Ancient  Systems  of  Theogony  and  Cosmogony,  and  those  existing  in  the  Mexican 
MSS.,  as  published  by  Kingsborough,  and  the  alto-relievos  on  a  wall  in  Chichen-It.za,”  1872,  which  Dr. 
Foreman,  of  the  Smithsonian,  has  very  kindly  translated  for  me,  I  find  a  somewhat  different  interpreta¬ 
tion  of  this  plate  of  the  Borgian  Codex.  This  will  bo  found  in  my  Appendix  No.  2. 


88 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


former)  signifies  the  ‘‘bed  of  the  year.”  As  the  vessels  are  placed  on  the 
serpent,  and  hence  cannot  represent  incense-burners,  it  is  not  impossible  that 
they  are  symbols  of  the  idea  expressed  in  these  Maya  words. 

The  character  (T^LUJJ  DA)  which,  according  to  Landa  is  the  hieroglyph 
for  the  letter  u,  which  in  Maya  signifies  “vase”  (also  “moon”),  is  common  on 
the  vase-figures  throughout  the  work;  but  on  these  vessels  we  notice  parts  of 
other  characters  which  together  with  the  one  given  may  be  the  symbols  for 
Uayeyah.  This  I  admit  is  a  mere  supposition,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  be  a 
forced  one;  moreover,  the  following  explanation  by  Perez  may  serve  to 
strengthen  it:  “They  called  them  [the  added  days]  also  uayab  or  uayeb- 
Irnab,  which  may  be  interpreted  in  two  different  ways.  The  word  uayab  may 
be  derived  from  uay  which  means  ‘bed’  or  ‘chamber,’  presuming  the  Indians 
believed  the  year  to  rest  during  those  days;  or  uayab  may  equally  be  derived 
from  another  signification  of  uay,  viz:  ‘to  be  destroyed,’  ‘wounded,’  ‘cor¬ 
roded  by  the  caustic  juice  of  plants,’  or  with  ley  and  other  strong  liquids.”1 

I  think  it  probable  that  these  are  cinerary  urns,  given  as  symbolic  rep¬ 
resentations  of  the  idea  that  the  years  have  closed — are  dead — and  as  the 
ashes  of  the  dead  rest  in  the  urns  so  the  ashes  of  the  years  may  be  said  to 
rest  in  these  vessels.  This  idea  appears  to  be  borne  out  by  the  fact  that 
the  vessel  in  the  middle  division  of  Plate  28  of  the  Codex,  which  appears  to 
correspond  to  these  of  the  Manuscript,  has  on  it  the  figure  of  cross-bones, 
on  the  top  of  which  are  placed  three  Kan  symbols. 

Stephens  in  his  “Yucatan”  mentions  the  fact  that  it  is  the  custom  of  the 
Indians  to  gather  up  the  bones  of  the  dead  and  preserve  them  in  baskets, 
boxes,  and  other  similar  vessels.  He  mentions  one  case  where  “they  were 
clean  and  bright  as  if  polished,  with  the  skull  and  cross-bones  in  front,  the 
legs  and  arms  laid  on  the  bottom,”  &c.2  It  is  more  than  probable  that  this 
custom  was  handed  down  from  ancient  times. 

What  the  Kan  symbols  contained  in  these  vessels  signify  is  a  question 
that  puzzles  me,  and  which  I  have  so  far  been  unable  to  answer  satisfacto¬ 
rily.  In  the  Manuscript  we  see  three  in  both  vessels  of  Plate  XXIII; 
three  in  the  upper  and  two  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XXII;  also  three 
in  the  upper  and  two  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XXI,  but  the  top  one 


Appendix  to  “  Stephens’s  Yucatan,”  I,  437. 


-  Vol.  I,  p.  417. 


THOMAS.] 


MEANING  OF  THE  KAN  SYMBOLS. 


89 


in  the  upper  is  surrounded  by  a  heavy  black  border,  while  in  the  lower  a 
black  bird  appears  to  be  in  the  act  of  devouring’  a  third,  presented  to  it  by 
the  white  personage  at  the  right.  On  Plate  XX  there  are  two  in  the  similar 
vessel  in  the  lower  division,  and  two  connected  with  another  character  in 
the  upper. 

Turning  to  the  Codex,  we  find  the  arrangement,  so  far  as  these  charac¬ 
ters  are  concerned,  quite  different.  On  Plate  25  we  see  but  one,  and  that 
in  the  middle  division;  on  26  one  in  the  middle  and  two  in  the  lower 
division;  on  27  two  in  the  third  or  lowest  division,  with  the  figure  of  a 
fish  upon  them;  on  28  three  in  the  middle,  above  the  cross-bones.  If  the 
vessels  are  to  be  considered  as  cinerary  urns,  figuratively  holding  the  ashes 
of  the  dead  years,  these  Kan  symbols  must  be  in  some  way  connected 
therewith,  but  the  numbers  on  the  different  ones  cannot  easily  be  made  to 
agree  with  any  of  the  periods  of  the  calendar.  Possibly  they  may  simply 
represent  ears  of  maize  or  tortillas  cast  into  these  vessels.  The  fish  placed 
on  those  in  the  third  division  indicate,  as  I  believe,  that  here  they  are 
intended  to  represent  corn  or  bread,  for  the  position  of  the  figure  shows 
that  it  is  meant  for  one  of  the  offerings  made  to  the  idol,  which  Landa  says 
consisted  of  “ drinks,  dishes  of  food,  meats,  fish,”  &c.  The  vessel  just  above 
this,  in  the  same  division,  probably  contains  fruits  or  gourds  (calabashes). 

If  we  suppose  them  to  be  time  symbols,  we  may  possibly  find  an 
argument  in  favor  of  interpreting  them  years  in  the  fact  that  on  Plate 
XXIII,  where  there  are  three  in  the  vessel  in  the  lower  division,  there  is  a 
fourth  one  on  the  head  of  the  personage  at  the  right,  who  we  have  sup¬ 
posed  is  the  personage  that  represents  the  year.  By  counting  this  we  have 
the  four  years.  The  one  withdrawn  and  placed  upon  the  head  of  the  image 
represents  (say)  the  Cauac  year.  This  leaves  three,  as  shown  in  the  vessel. 
In  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XXII  there  are  but  two,  another  having  been 
withdrawn  to  represent  the  Kan  year.  So  far  we  meet  with  no  obstacle  to 
our  interpretation;  but  when  we  come  to  Plate  XXI  we  find  there  are 
three,  and  on  Plate  XX  two,  a  fact  which  is  difficult  to  explain  on  this 

Turning  again  to  Plate  XXII,  we  observe  on  the  head  of  the  individ¬ 
ual  at  the  right  of  the  upper  compartment  two  triangles.  These  remind 


90 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


us  very  strongly  of  the  triangles  on  the  outer  circle  of  the  Mexican  calendar 
stone,  and,  although  these  are  at  the  head  of  the  animal,  while  those  are  at 
the  tails  of  the  serpents,  I  think  it  probable  they  have  the  same  significa¬ 
tion — the  completion  of  the  cycle.  This  opinion,  I  believe,  is  confirmed 
by  the  figures  at  the  left  of  the  same  compartment.  Here  we  observe  two 
falling  figures.  The  lower,  pale  brown,  with  cords  on  his  arms  and  legs,  is 
being  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  pyramidal  pile,  on  which  he  falls,  as  shown 
by  the  blood  which  is  streaming  over  it.  The  upper  one  is  white,  the  side 
of  the  head  marked  with  a  sinuous  line,  as  that  in  the  lower  right-hand 
corner  of  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XXIII.  That  these  two  figures  sym¬ 
bolize  periods  of  time  can  scarcely  be  doubted,  the  dark  one  striking  the 
pyramid  that  which  is  expiring.  The  four  steps  of  the  pyramid  probably 
denote  “indications”  or  “weeks  of  years,”  and,  hence,  all  taken  together 
represent  the  cycle.  In  the  dark  base  we  see  a  sigmoid  character  similar  to 
that  which  Landa  gives  for  the  letter  N,  which  may  possibly  be  the  symbol 
for  the  Maya  word  Noh,  “grand.”  Here  we  see  that  one  of  the  steps  is 
black,  which  is  the  characteristic  color  of  one  of  the  four  dominical  days 
and  of  one  of  the  four  plates  of  the  Manuscript.  These  facts,  I  think,  are 
sufficient  to  warrant  us  in  assuming  that  the  whole  pyramid  represents  the 
cycle,  and  is,  no  doubt,  the  “monument”  raised  at  the  termination  of  this 
period,  in  reference  to  which  Perez  makes  the  following  remark:  “This 
period  of  fifty-two  years  was  called  by  the  Indians  Katun ,  and  at  its  conclu¬ 
sion  great  feasts  were  celebrated,  and  a  monument  was  raised,  on  which  a 
large  stone  was  placed  crosswise,  as  is  signified  by  the  Avord  Kat-tun,  for  a 
memento  and  record  of  the  cycles  or  Katunes  that  had  elapsed.” 

The  two  falling  figures  probably  represent  years,  the  dark  one  the 
closing  year  of  one  cycle  or  other  period  and  the  white  the  first  of  the  fol- 
loAvino-.  I  am  led  to  this  conclusion  from  the  strong  resemblance  of  the 
white  figure  to  those  in  the  lower  right-hand  corner  of  the  lower  division 

o  0 

of  Plates  XXII  and  XXIII,  which  I  have  supposed  represent  the  Uayeyab 
idols. 


At  the  top  of  the  left-hand,  or  day,  column  of  Plate  XX,  and  else- 

©  &>  c 


where  in  these  four  plates,  we 


find  this  unusual  red  character 


U.  S.  G.  AND  G.  SURVEY. 


MANUSCRIPT  TROANO  PI.  VII. 


1  *  ^ 
c  7/ 


k>e~*3f:W@Sp-ll:*) 
<s>  si^sm  i  . 


Fac  Simile  of  Plate  27  of  the  Dresden  Codex, 


thomas.]  CHARACTERS  IN  THE  MIDDLE  LINE,  PLATES  XX-XXIII.  91 


sometimes  with  and  sometimes  without  dots  over  it.  Over  the  lx  column — 
Plate  XX — there  are  two  of  these  characters,  the  upper  with  three  dots 
over  it,  the  other  with  one.  In  the  upper  edge  of  the  upper  space  of  the 
same  plate  there  is  another  without  any  dots  over  it.  Those  over  the  Muluc 
column — Plate  XXI — are  too  thoroughly  obliterated  to  be  made  out,  but 
in  the  upper  space  of  this  plate  we  see  a  very  distinct  one  with  two  dots 
over  it.  There  are  none  over  the  Kan  column  of  Plate  XXII,  but  in  the 
upper  space  there  appears  to  be  one,  though  too  badly  defaced  to  be  made 
out  with  certainty.  There  is  one  over  the  Cauac  column — Plate  XXIII — 
with  one  dot  over  it,  and  in  the  upper  space  another,  with  two  dots  over  jt, 
above  which  is  another  in  black,  but  reversed,  and  without  dots.  On  the 
title  page  there  are  two  lines  of  somewhat  similar  figures,  but  presenting 
some  differences,  which  render  it  doubtful  whether  they  have  the  same 
signification  as  those  on  the  four  plates. 

There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  these  characters  are  used  here  to 
denote  certain  periods  of  time.  But  what  periods  is  a  question  I  have  so 
far  been  unable  to  answer  satisfactorily.  I  will  therefore  postpone  the  dis¬ 
cussion  of  this  point  to  a  subsequent  page. 

In  the  broad  line  separating  the  two  divisions  of  each  plate  we  observe 
certain  square  characters,  some  of  which  are  readily  recognized  as  day 
symbols.  Those  on  Plate  XXIII  reading  from  left  to  right  are — first,  Lza- 
nab ;  second,  Akbal ;  third,  the  character  which  Brasseur  says  stands  for  M, 
and  fourth,  possibly  a  variant  of  Lamat.  On  Plate  XXII,  reading  in  the  same 
direction — Lamat  (7),  M? ,  Ezanab,  and  Akbal;  on  Plate  XXI,  Bzanab,  pos¬ 
sibly  a  variant  of  Been,  Akbal,  Lamat,  and  (?);  on  Plate  XX,  Been,  Akbal , 
Mt,  Ezanab,  and  Lamat.  Two  only  in  each  line  can  be  determined  with  any 
degree  of  certainty.  These  days  are  the  closing  ones  of  the  different  years, 
and  are  very  appropriate  in  this  place,  and  bear  the  same  relation  to  these 
plates  as  those  in  the  columns  of  the  Codex  do  to  those  plates.  Their  posi¬ 
tion  here  also  confirms  the  view  .1  have  heretofore  incidentally  advanced, 
that  the  upper  division  of  these  plates  relates  chiefly  to  the  closing  days  of 
one  year  and  the  lower  to  the  commencement  of  the  following.  The  character 
which  I  have  denoted  by  the  letter  M  is  the  same  as  that  which  I  have 
interpreted  as  designating  “the  north,”  except  that  it  is  without  the  prefix. 


92 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


I  strongly  suspect  that  it  is  the  symbol  for  Am,  the  sacred  stone  by  means 
of  which  they  cast  the  horoscope,  and  which  was  doubtless  the  same  as 
those  named  by  Lauda  Acantun.  The  loop  or  knot  on  Plates  XXI  and 
XXII  probably  signifies  the  tying  of  the  years,  the  close  of  one  cycle  or 
other  period  and  the  commencement  of  another.1  There  are  but  two  of 
these,  and  they  probably  correspond  with  the  tigures  on  which  the  Chacs  in 
Plates  27  and  28  of  the  Codex  are  walking.  These  appear  to  be  bundles 
of  cords  or  reeds  bound  at  four  points,  representing  the  four  dominical  days 
(the  four  years),  each  representing  thirteen  years  of  the  cycle,  or  possibly 
only  one  year  of  the  luster. 

Plate  XX,  which  has  lx  as  the  dominical  day,  appears  to  bear  one 
or  two  of  the  tokens  mentioned  by  Landa  in  his  description  of  the  festival 
of  the  Cauac  years.  This  author  remarks  that,  “after  they 
have  placed  the  images  in  the  temple,  they  perfume  them,  as  is 
their  custom,  and  present  to  them  two  pellets  of  resin  from  a 
tree  called  kik,  for  the  purpose  of  burning  them,  also  some 
iguanas,  bread,  a  mitre,  a  bouquet  of  flowers,  and  a  stone  which 
the}^  hold  in  great  honor.”  We  see  projecting  from  the  head- 
Fig.  12.  dress  of  the  figure  in  the  lower  right-hand  corner  of  the  lower 
division  what  appears  to  be  a  flower.  In  the  upper  division  we  see  at  the 
left  an  individual  burning  incense.  In  the  corresponding  plate  of  the  Codex 
(25),  middle  division,  is  this  figure  (Fig.  12),  which  I  have  concluded  is  a 
symbol  of  the  particular  incense  here  mentioned. 

1  It  resembles  the  Mexican  character  for  the  day  Ollin  or  “Earthquake.” 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SUGGESTIONS  AS  TO  THE  PROBABLE  MEANING  OF  SOME 
OF  THE  FIGURES  ON  THE  OTHER  PLATES. 

PART  FIRST  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT. 

Plates  II  to  VII  of  the  first  part  appear  to  relate  to  one  general  sub¬ 
ject,  if  Ave  can  judge  of  this  by  the  figures  and  symbols,  but  what  that 
general  subject  is  I  am  as  yet  unable  to  determine  positively,  but  am  of  the 
opinion  that  they  relate,  in  part  at  least,  to  the  festivals  and  profession  of 
the  traveling  merchants. 

The  first  division  of  Plate  II  contains  two  figures.  The  one  to  the  left, 
a  quadruped  upon  a  brown  ground,  has  its  hind  feet  upon  an  oblong  figure, 
apparently  a  stone,  holding  by  its  fore  feet  to  a  cord  which  passes  round 
the  object  on  which  its  hind  feet  are  placed.  A  machete  is  plunged  into  the 
back,  forming  a  great  Avound,  from  which  Ave  see  the  blood  floAving  out.  The 
character  on  which  he  stands  is  marked  with  the  trembling  cross,  which  sig¬ 
nifies  “Ezanab”  or  “flint.”  I  think  it  more  than  probable  that  this  is 
intended  to  denote  the  sacrifice  of  this  animal.  It  was  the  custom  to  sacri¬ 
fice  a  dog  at  the  merchants’  festival,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  figure  is 
intended  to  represent  a  dog. 

A  similar  figure  and  with  similar  accompaniments  is  found  in  the  upper 
division  of  Plate  III.  I  find  among  the  characters  immediately  above  both 

of  these,  this  one.  The  right-hand  portion  appears  to  be  Landa’s 

character  for  the  letter  “A.”  If  we  suppose  the  inscription  to  have  any 
reference  to  the  figures  in  the  spaces,  Ave  may  give  this  tAvo  possible  inter¬ 
pretations — the  first  01,  “heart,”  probably  denoting  the  sacrifice  of  the  ani¬ 
mal  or  person  by  the  usual  method  of  taking  out  the  heart.  Or,  supposing 

93 


94 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TBOANO. 


the  first  part  of  the  compound  character  to  he  simply  a  prefix  or  a  particle, 
the  chief  character  may  indicate  the  Maya  word  Le,  signifying  “a  cord,”  “a 
lasso,”  or  cord  with  a  slip  knot.  I  find  the  same  character  over  the  middle 
figure  of  the  second  division  of  this  plate  (II),  also,  slightly  varied,  over 
the  left  figure  of  the  first  division  of  Plate  III.  In  each  case  we  see  the 
cord  and  also  the  indications  of  sacrifice.  The  same  character  is  also  found 
immediately  above  the  open  breast  of  the  sacrificed  individual  on  Plate  3 
of  the  Dresden  Codex,  but  in  this  case  we  also  see  cords  around  the  hands 
and  feet. 

In  the  right-hand  compartment  of  the  upper  division  is  a  squatting 
human  figure  in  black  on  a  blue  ground,  doubtless  representing  some  deity. 
He  has  a  fiery  red  mouth  and  a  very  prominent  nose,  and  is  holding  by  the 
hand  a  cord,  which  passes  round  a  character  at  his  feet,  probably  represent¬ 
ing  a  peddler’s  pack.  On  his  head  he  bears  an  interlaced  or  cross-hatched 
figure  as  a  head-dress.  This  figure  I  think  represents  the  ancient  divinity 
Chicchac-Chab  or  Chichac-Chob.1  The  cross-hatched  character  on  the  head 
appears  to  be  used  to  indicate  the  sound  tzi,  zi,  or  cki,  and  is  probably 
placed  here  to  denote  this  deity.  Similar  figures  are  found  in  various  parts  of 
of  the  Manuscript,  as,  for  example,  on  Plates  IV,  V,  VI,  VII,  XIX,  XVII*, 
XVIII*,  XXII*,  XXIII*,  XXV*,  XXIX*,  XXX*,  XXXI*,  and  XXXII*. 

There  appear,  in  fact,  to  be  two  different  personages  represented  by 
these  figures,  as  may  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  upper  division  of  Plate 
VI,  where  the  two  are  brought  face  to  face.  The  only  difference  observable 
is  in  the  form  of  the  eye.  According  to  Landa,  the  Indians,  during  the 
festival  of  the  Cauac  years,  made  four  idols  named  Chicchac-chob,  Ekbalam- 
chac ,  Ahcan-Volcab,  and  Akbuluc-Balam ;  the  first  of  which  is  doubtless  one 
of  those  referred  to.  It  is  also  possible  that  some  of  the  figures  on  this 
group  of  plates  refer  to  others  of  these  four  deities. 

In  the  middle  division  of  this  plate  (II)  is  a  stooping  human  figure, 
with  his  arms  bound  behind  his  back  with  a  cord,  and  a  kind  of  yoke  on 
the  back  of  his  head  The  edge  of  a  machete  is  descending  upon  his  neck 
as  if  to‘  sever  his  head  from  his  body.  That  this  figure  is  intended  to  show 
that  the  individual  is  about  to  be  slain  can  scarcely  be  doubted,  as  we  see, 


I  am  aware  t-liat  Ekchuah  was  the  merchant's  patron. 


V.  S.  G.  AND  G.  SURVEY. 


MANUSCRIPT  TROANOPl.  VIII. 


Fac  Simile  of  Plate  28  of  the  Dresden  Codex. 


THOMAS.] 


FIGURES  ON  PLATES  III-VII. 


95 


by  turning  to  the  middle  division  of  Plate  III,  the  same  person,  although 
still  represented  as  standing,  a  headless  trunk  and  covered  with  blood,  while 
in  close  proximity  is  the  fatal  machete. 

Above  the  bound  figure  we  find  the  character  heretofore  given,  which 
we  have  supposed  may  be  the  symbol  for  01,  or  “heart,”  and,  if  so,  tends 
to  confirm  the  idea  indicated  in  what  has  been  said  concerning  these  figures. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  we  have  here,  undoubtedly,  indications  of  human  sacri¬ 
fice.  The  mode  indicated  may  not  be  exactly  what  we  may  have  been  led 
to  expect  from  what  has  been  stated  by  the  old  authors,  but  this  does  not 
necessarily  prove  our  interpretation  wrong.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  on 
the  third  page  of  the  Dresden  Codex  we  see  human  sacrifice  distinctly 
shown.  Thus  it  appears  that  each  of  these  manuscripts  bears  the  evidence 
of  this  horrible  custom. 

As  bearing  upon  my  interpretation  of  these  characters,  I  call  attention 
to  the  fact  that  they  are  also  found  on  Plate  3  of  the  Codex,  in  connection 
with  the  figure  denoting  human  sacrifice. 

The  white  left-hand  figure  in  the  third  division  (PI.  Ill),  holding  in  his 
right  hand  the  symbol  of  cu  or  Cauac,  and  in  his  left  a  spear  head,  represents, 


as  I  judge  from  the  markings  and  this  accompanying  character, 


one 


of  the  gods  of  death  or  underworld. 

Plates  III  to  VII,  taken  together,  appear  to  represent  among  other 
things  a  journey  of  some  kind,  probably  the  journeyings  of  traveling  mer¬ 
chants  or  peddlers.  This  is  indicated  by  the  marks  of  footsteps  and  by  the 
figures  of  individuals  with  staves  in  their  hands  and  packs  on  their  backs, 
which  are  bound  with  cords.  * 

The  two  individuals  in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  VI  appear  to  be 
in  the  act  of  producing  fire  by  whirling  a  stick  between  the  hands  with  the 
point  pressed  on  a  piece  of  wood,  as  was  the  custom. 

The  figure  in  the  lower  division  of  this  plate  is  interesting  chiefty 
on  account  of  the  peculiar  head-dress  of  the  large  central  figure.  This, 
which  is  shown  in  the  annexed  cut  (Fig.  13),  represents  a  couch  or  seat 
in  the  form  of  a  double-headed  animal,  on  which  is  placed  the  head  of 
a  deer.  This  bears  such  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  double-headed 


96 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


couches  or  seats  found  in  the  ruins  of  Yucatan1  as  to  induce  us  to  believe 
that  they  have  the  same  signification  in  both  places,  or  that  the  figure  in 
our  plate  refers  to  that  which  was  represented  in  the  older  sculptures  and 

paintings.  The  peculiarity  in  the  figure 
of  our  plate  is  that  the  personage  seated 
on  the  couch  is  here  symbolized  by  a 
deer’s  head,  and  that  on  the  cheek  of  the 
right  head  there  is  one  of  the  death  sym¬ 
bols.  Is  the  deer’s  head  here  a  s 
of  the  personage  represented  as  seated 
on  the  couch  in  the  sculptured  tablet  of 
the  Palenque  palace,  and  the  Beau  Be¬ 
lief  in  stucco?  We  have  no  means  by 
which  to  determine  this,  but  it  is  my 
opinion  it  is. 

I  suggest,  as  a  possible  explanation, 
that  this  singular  head-dress  is  a  symbol 
used  to  denote  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  or,  rather,  Etel-ceh ,  the  name  by 
which  it  was  known  in  ancient  times.  Cell ,  as  is  well  known,  is  the  Maya 
word  for  “deer.”  JEtel  signifies  “companion,”  and  Etelet,  from  “hand  to 
hand”  or  “side  to  side.”  Hence  it  may  be  intended  as  a  symbol  of  dominion. 

This,  I  am  aware,  is  a  somewhat  visionary  guess,  and  I  give  it  as 
such;  still  it  is  not  impossible  that  it  is  substantially  correct.  ’ 

On  the  jaw  of  the  head,  looking  to  the  right,  is  an  imperfect  character, 
which,  from  evidence  found  elsewhere  in  the  Manuscript,  I  am  satisfied  is  a 
variant  of  Cimi.  r 

We  find  that  the  same  deity  represented  in  the  second  division  of  Plate 
YII  assumes  a  different  form.  The  scene  appears  to  be  an  open,  grassy 
prairie,  leading  us  to  infer  that  here  the  javelin  is  being  hurled  at  game, 
although  none  is  figured. 

o  o 

In  the  lower  division  of  Plate  YII,  and  extending  into  the  margin  of 
VIII,  is  a  series  of  five  similar  blue  figures,  each  seated  on  a  large  charac¬ 
ter  like  the  one  here  shown. 

‘Bancroft's  Native  Kaces,  vol.  iv,  pages  :tl7,  318,  and  329  ;  Stephens’s  Yucatan,  vol  ii,  page  182; 
Waldeck,  plate  xvii;  Dupaix,  plate  xxvi  (Plate  20,  Kingsbury,  iv). 


THOMAS]  FIGURES  RELATING  TO  THE  CHASE,  PLATES  U1II-XIX. 


97 


The  black  numerals  not  obliterated  are  as  follows,  and  in  the  following 
order:  11,  10,  9.  Is  it  not  possible  that  these  signify  Ahaues?  The  head¬ 
dresses  on  three  are  similar  to  that  seen  so  often  throughout 
the  work  on  the  head  of  Tlaloc,  and  which,  I  presume, 
signifies  the  tying  of  the  years.  I  merely  suggest  this  as  a 
possible  explanation,  although  the  order  of  the  numerals 
is  not  the  usual  one. 

Plates  VIII  to  XIX  appear,  from  the  figures,  to  relate  to  the  chase. 
VIII-XIII  are  devoted  almost  wholly  to  figures  of  animals  (mostly  deer) 
caught  in  snares.  It  appears  from  these  figures  that  the  method  of  snaring 
animals  was  to  fasten  a  cord  to  the  top  of  a  slender  tree,  bend  it  down,  and 
fasten  a  slip-knot  around  a  spring  or  trigger,  so  that  when  touched  by  the 
fore  foot  of  the  animal  it  would  slip  up  and  tighten,  and  thus  hold  up  the 
fore  part  of  the  body.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  elongate  white 
stems  to  which  the  cords  are  tied  represent  trees  or  wood.  If  the  nodes 
marked  upon  them  were  not  sufficient  to  show  this,  a  study  of  the  similar 
figures  throughout  the  work  would  satisfy  any  one  on  this  point. 

The  curved  figure  at  the  foot  of  the  deer  in  the  second  division  of 
Plate  VIII  probably  represents  a  kind  of  spring  or  trigger  around  which 
the  slip-knot  is  fastened  in  such  a  manner  that  when  touched  above  by 
the  foot  of  the  animal  it  closes  or  bends  together,  so  that  the  knot  slips 
off  it  and  on  to  the  leg.1  I  am  aware  that  this  interpretation  is  widely 
different  from  the  profound  explanation  given  by  Brasseur,  still  I  think  it  is 
as  near  the  correct  one. 

The  animal  represented  in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  IX  is  an  Arma¬ 
dillo.  It  is  evidently  in  a  pit,  into  which  it  has  fallen  through  the  trap 
arranged  for  this  purpose.  We  see  no  cord  here,  as  none  was  needed. 

The  pit  appears  to  have  been  lined  around  the  sides  with  upright 
pieces  of  wood,  to  prevent  the  earth  from  falling  in;  then  two  layers  around 
the  top  of  these,  and  finally  covered  with  a  layer  of  sticks  or  small  beams, 
through  which  a  hole  was  made  in  the  middle,  and  then  pieces  laid  loosely 
on  this,  so  that  the  ends  met  over  the  middle  of  the  opening.  The  animal 

1  Herrera  (Dec.  iii,  Bk.  vi,  chap.  3)  says  they  killed  their  game  with  gins  and  snares.  The  Gen¬ 
tleman  of  Elvas  speaks  of  a  method  of  catching  conies  with  snares  similar  to  that  figured  in  the  Manu¬ 
script  (Hackluyt  Transl.  ii,  183). 

7  M  T 


Fig.  14. 


98 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


passing  over  steps  on  these,  and,  tilting  them,  falls  in.  I  introduce  here  a 
figure  of  this  pitfall,  an  exact  copy  of  that  on  the  plate.  We  here  see  the 
method  of  joining  the  ends  of  beams  together. 

A  similar  figure,  but  on  a  smaller  scale,  is  given  on  Plate  XXII*.  The 

crosses  on  the  ends  of  the 
beams  are  parts  of  the  char¬ 
acter  so  often  found  on 
wooden  articles.  This  is 
evident  from  the  fact  that 
the  full  character  is  found 
on  the  ends  of  the  cross¬ 
beams  in  the  figure  on  Plate 
XXII*.  The  probable  sig- 

fig.  15.— Pitfall  and  armadillo.  nification  will  be  given  here¬ 

after,  in  the  chapter  relating  to  the  wu-itten  characters. 

In  the  third  space  of  this  plate,  and  also  in  the  second  and  third  spaces 
of  Plate  XIII,  there  is  an  outline  figure  of  a  scorpion,  and  in  each  case  the 
claw  at  the  end  of  the  tail  grasps  a  cord  to  which  a  deer,  rabbit,  or  fox  is 
attached.  I  confess  my  inability  to  interpret  these  figures.1 

In  the  left  portion  of  the  upper  division  of  Plate  X2  is  a  broad  trans¬ 
verse  line  containing  characters  similar  to  those  in  the  line  between  the 
divisions  of  Plates  XX-XXIII.  The  left-hand  character  (of  the  three) 
bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  symbol  of  the  Mexican  day  Ollin ,  or 
“Earthquake,”  but  here  possibly  represents  the  Maya  day  Ezanab,  and 
the  middle  one,  Been.  The  character  to  the  right  is  the  “death  symbol,” 
or  symbol  of  the  day  Cimi.  The  red  and  blue  scrolls  which  are  attached  to 
and  hang  below  this  line  probably  denote  the  supposed  character  of  two 
different  years  or  days,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the  chase.  It  is  a  fact 
worthy  of  notice  that  on  these  six  plates  there  are  just  eighteen  of  these 
captured  animals,  or  one  for  each  month  of  the  year.  We  can  readily 
understand  why  the  festivals  or  religious  observances  denoted  by  these 
figures  and  the  day  and  numeral  characters  are  so  numerous  and  occupy 

1  Sr.  Melgar  ( Comp.  View,  tfc.)  suggests  that  it  denotes  the  zodiacal  sign  Scorpio,  and  hence  autumn. 
But  such  a  supposition  would  imply  a  knowledge  of  Oriental  astronomy  not  warranted. 

2  See  Fig.  97. 


THOMAS.] 


THE  HUNTERS’  FESTIVAL. 


99 


such  a  large  portion  of  the  Manuscript.  The  priests  were  fond  of  the  savory 
venison  hams  which  fell  to  them.  Tn  other  words,  it  was  a  scheme  on  their 
part  to  use  the  religious  fervor  of  the  people  to  supply  their  larders  with 
this  choice  meat. 


Fig.  16. 


100 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Plate  XIV — the  middle  and  lower  divisions  of  which  are  reproduced  in 
Fig.  1 IG — I  take  to  be  a  ritual  relating  to  the  hunters’  festivals.  In  the  upper 
division  we  see  two  persons  dressed  as  Chacs,  and  bearing  the  emblems  of 
the  festival  to  the  temple  or  appointed  place.  The  middle  and  lower  divis¬ 
ions  contain  entire  transverse  lines  of  the  same  character  repeated.  If  we 
take  them  in  columns,  instead  of  transversely,  we  will  find  that  they  differ 
from  each  other  only  in  the  top  and  bottom  characters  and  the  numerals. 
As  an  example,  I  refer  to  the  third  column  from  the  left  of  the  middle  divis¬ 
ion  (omitting  from  the  count  the  usual  day  column  at  the  left).  The  char¬ 
acter  at  the  top  is  the  one  already  interpreted  as  signifying  “the  east”;  three 
of  the  other  columns  have  each  one  of  the  cardinal  points,  the  rest  of  the 
characters  being  the  same  in  each  column  and  in  the  same  order  except  the 
numeral  and  the  character  below  it.  The  same  is  true  in  reference  to  the 
lower  division.  As  these  appear  to  designate  mere  repetitions,  either  of 
actions  or  words,  varied  slightly  as  to  direction  or  number,  I  conclude  that, 
taken  together,  they  form  a  ritual  for  the  ceremonies  that  relate  to  the  chase. 

Plates  XV-XIX  appear  to  represent  tokens  of  hunting  scenes  and  the 
ceremonies  of  the  hunters’  festival  In  the  upper  division  of  XVII,  XVIII, 
and  XIX  we  see  the  hunters  returning  from  the  chase,  some  bearing  their 
game,  others  their  weapons,  and  others  flowers  in  token  of  success. 

On  Plates  XV  and  XVII  we  see  some  of  the  game  left  behind  for  the 
vultures,  which  are  devouring  it.  The  middle  division  of  XVI  and  XVII 
relate  to  the  same  subject ;  the  left  figure  in  the  latter  is  represented  as  being 
bitten  by  a  rattlesnake,  one  of  the  dangers  to  which  they  are  subject  while 
pursuing  their  calling.  The  figures  at  the  right  of  the  upper  division  of  the 
same  plate  represent  a  master  punishing  his  slave  or  follower ;  the  differ¬ 
ence  in  the  belt  anklets  and  dress  showing  the  difference  in  condition. 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  these  figures  are  to  a  certain  extent  cabal¬ 
istic  and  also  that  it  is  a  part  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  festival  to  represent 
these  incidents  of  the  hunter’s  profession. 

The  large  figure  in  the  middle  division  of  Plate  XV  I  presume  repre¬ 
sents  an  idol,  made  for  the  occasion,  in  the  form  of  a  deer.  If  so,  we  see 
here  a  strong  indication  of  phallic  worship. 


THOMAS  ] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  PLATES  XVII-XIX. 


101 


In  the  lowest  division  of  Plate  XVII  we  observe  a  woman  piercing 
her  tongue  with  a  maguey  leaf,  while  in  front  is  an  incense-burner. 

The  two  figures  in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XIV  are  doubtless  Chacs 
selected  for  the  occasion,  who  are  carrying  to  the  festival  the  implements  of 
the  chase  and  a  sun  image.  The  character  on  which  the  figure  in  the  lower 
left-hand  corner,  middle  division  of  the  same  plate,  is  standing,  is  probably 
a  representation  of  the  trap,  or  rather  trigger,  used  in  snaring  game. 

We  observe  that  the  left-hand  figure  of  the  lower  division  of  Plate 
XVI  is  bearing  in  his  hands  a  Kan  symbol  on  which  is  placed  a  deer’s  head. 
We  see  exactl}’  the  same  combination  in  the  fifth  transverse  line  of  the  title- 
page — a  deer’s  head  on  a  Kan  symbol,  emblems  of  their  chief  means  of 
subsistence,  maize  and  venison. 

The  figures  in  the  middle  division  of  Plate  XVIII  are  evidently  sym¬ 
bolical,  as  the  positions  are  unnatural.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  the  upper 
of  the  two  figures  denotes  a  supposed  phantom,  which,  according  to  the 
superstitions  of  the  Indians,  flew  through  the  air,  destroying  game  as  it 
passed.  This  is  a  mere  supposition  based  wholly  on  the  figures  themselves, 
yet  one  that  I  think  is  warranted. 

The  figure  in  the  lower  division  of  this  plate  (XVIII)  probably  repre¬ 
sents  a  priest  clothed  in  animal  skin,  or  an  idol. 

The  black  and  white  figures  in  the  middle  and  lower  division  of  XIX 
are  grinding  paints  to  be  used  in  their  ceremonies.  The  black  is  the  same 
personage  as  the  right-hand  figure  in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  VI  (Chic- 
chac-Chob).  The  white  one  in  the  middle  division  is  a  personage  we  fre¬ 
quently  meet  with  on  the  pages  of  this  work  and  in  reference  to  which  I 
will  have  more  to  say  hereafter.  The  white  figure  in  the  lower  division  is 
certainly  the  same  as  those  on  Plates  XXII  and  XXIII,  which  I  have  de¬ 
cided  represent  Uayeyab  idols.  It  here  no  doubt  signifies  a  priest  dressed  to 
represent  this  idol. 

Plates  XXIV-XXVIII  appear  to  relate  to  one  subject — the  rainy 
season,  or  rains,  storms,  clouds,  &c.  I  think  it  quite  probable  that  pictures 
of  this  kind  seen  by  the  early  writers  on  the  manuscripts  which  they 
inspected,  were  the  ones  they  supposed  related  to  the  great  floods  which 
inundated  that  country. 


102 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


From  a  careful  study  of  tliem  I  conclude  they  are  of  general  applica¬ 
tion,  and  refer  simply  to  the  storms,  clouds,  &c.,  of  the  rainy  season  of  the 
year,  and  not  to  any  particular  event. 

As  each  of  these  plates  is  complete  in  itself,  there  is  nothing  in  them, 
except  the  subject  treated  of,  to  indicate  the  order  in  which  they  are  to  be 
taken;  but  this  is  too  uncertain  a  guide  for  us  to  base  any  confident  opinion 
upon.  All  I  can  say  on  this  point  with  confidence  is  that  XXIV  and  XXV 
appear  to  relate  to  severe  and  destructive  storms,  and  XXVI  and  XXVII 
to  beneficial  and  fertilizing  rains.  The  figures  in  the  lower  division  of  the 
first  two  I  think  indicate  the  formation  or  commencement  of  the  storm. 
We  see  in  both  a  young  or  small  serpent,  which,  I  think,  is  here  the  symbol 
of  a  cloud.  That  on  Plate  XXV  is  a  rattlesnake,  indicating  its  deadly 
character,  as  does  also  the  death  symbol  near  by.  The  apron  of  the  great, 
robust  female  is  cross-hatched — which  here  may  signify  Zih,  “origin77  or 
“birth77 — and  denote  that  the  serpent,  which  is  issuing  from  behind  it,  is  in 
process  of  birth.  The  character  held  in  the  right  hand  is  Ik,  “breath,” 
“wind,”  or  “spirit”;  the  blue  lines  from  the  mouth,  which  strike  against 
the  falling  figure  with  the  dead  eye,  denote  the  fierce  storm  on  its  errand 
of  destruction  and  death. 

The  beam  shooting  out  from  the  eye  may  possibly  denote  lightning, 
though  in  the  similar  figure  on  Plate  XXVII  this  appears  to  be  indicated 
by  the  red  dots  in  the  bound  serpent  on  the  head.  The  intention  appears 
to  have  been  to  indicate  the  Maya  equivalent  of  the  Mexican  female  deity, 
Ghalchihuitlicue.  This  deity,  according  to  Sahagun,  was  the  sister  of  the 
Tlalocs.  “She  was  honored  because  she  had  power  over  the  waters  of  the 
sea  and  of  the  rivers  to  drown  those  that  went  down  to  them,  to  raise  tem¬ 
pests  and  whirlwinds,  and  to  cause  boats  to  founder.  They  worshiped  her, 
all  those  that  dealt  in  water,  that  went  about  selling  it  from  canoes  or 
peddled  jars  of  it  in  the  market.  They  represented  this  goddess  as  a 
woman,  painted  her  face  yellow,  save  the  forehead,  which  was  often  blue, 
and  hung  round  her  neck  a  collar  of  precious  stones,  from  which  depended 
a  medal  of  gold.  On  her  head  was  a  crown  of  light-blue  paper,  with 
plumes  of  green  feathers  and  tassels  that  fell  to  the  nape  of  her  neck.  Her 
earrings  were  of  turquiose,  wrought  in  mosaic.  Her  clothing  was  a  shirt 


THOMAS.] 


THE  BAIN  GODDESS. 


103  - 


or  upper  body  garment,  clear  blue  petticoats,  with  fringes,  from  which  hung 
marine  shells,  and  white  sandals.  In  her  left  hand  she  held  a  shield  and  a 
leaf  of  the  broad,  round,  white  water-lily,  called  atlacuezona .m 

Clavigero  makes  the  following  statement  in  regard  to  this  goddess: 
“  Chalchiucueje ,  otherwise  Chalcliilmitlicue ,  was  the  goddess  of  water  and 
companion  of  Tlaloc.  She  was  known  by  some  other  very  expressive 
names,  which  either  signify  the  effects  which  water  produces,  or  the  different 
appearances  and  color  which  it  assumes  in  motion.  The  Tlascalans  called 
her  Matlacueje,  that  is,  clothed  in  a  green  robe;  and  they  gave  the  same 
name  to  the  highest  mountain  of  Tlascala,  on  whose  summit  are  formed  those 
stormy  clouds  which  generally  burst  over  the  city  of  Angelopoli.  To  that 
summit  the  Tlascalans  ascended  to  perform  their  sacrifices  and  offer  up  their 
prayers.  •  This  is  the  very  same  goddess  of  water  to  which  Torouemada 
gives  the  name  Xochiquetzal,  and  the  Cav.  Boturini  that  of  Macuilxochiquet- 
zalli.m 

The  interpreter  of  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  says:  Chalchiutli, 
who  presided  over  these  thirteen  days,  saved  herself  in  the  deluge.  She  is  the 
woman  who  remained  after  the  deluge.  Her  name  signifies,  ‘The  woman 
who  wears  a  dress  adorned  with  precious  stones.’  They  here  fasted  four 
days  to  Death.  They  painted  her  holding  in  one  hand  a  spinning-wheel 
and  in  the  other  a  certain  wooden  instrument  with  which  they  weave;  and 
in  order  to  show  that  of  the  sons  which  women  bring  forth,  some  are  slaves 
and  others  die  in  war,  and  others  in  poverty,  they  paint  her  with  a  stream, 
as  if  carrying  them  away,  so  that,  whether  rich  or  poor,  all  were  finally 
doomed  to  perish.”* 2 3 

We  may  therefore,  I  think,  safely  assume  that  the  figure  in  our  plate 
is  intended  to  represent  the  Central  American  or  Yucatec  goddess  Xnuc, 
who  appears  to  be  an  equivalent  for  the  Mexican  female  deity  described, 
and  that  here,  at  least,  she  is  but  a  symbol  of  the  mountain  range  where  the 
storms  were  formed,  and  from  whence  they  rushed  down  into  the  valleys 
and  plains  below.  Whether  the  large  figure  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate 
XXVII  is  intended  to  represent  the  same  deity  is  somewhat  uncertain,  but 


‘Bancroft's  Native  Races,  Vol.  iii,  p.  368. 

2  History  of  Mexico,  Vol.  i,  p.  252,  Cullen's  Trans. 

3Kingslx>rougli’s  Mex.  Antiq.,  vi,  p.  120. 


104 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


judging  by  the  blue  hair,  blue  ear-circle,  the  bound  serpent  on  the  head, 
and  the  similarity  in  the  form  of  the  mouth,  anklets,  and  wristlets,  I  am 
disposed  to  believe  it  is,  notwithstanding  the  material  differences  in  other 
respects.  The  mouth  of  the  latter,  the  peculiar  form  of  which  is  more  dis¬ 
tinctly  shown  than  in  the  former,  reminds  us  very  strongly  of  that  of  the 
symbol  of  the  Mexican,  day  Ehecatl,  “wind,”  as  given  in  the  various  Codices. 
I  am  disposed  to  think  that  the  figure  in  Plate  XXV  represents  her  as  the 
storm-brewing  goddess,  while  that  in  Plate  XXVII  shows  her  as  the  giver 
of  beneficial  and  fructifying  rains.  In  the  former  the  eye  simply  shows 
the  lightning  flash,  while  in  the  latter  it  is  surrounded  b}^  the  curved  Tlaloc 
sign,  or  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  sign  of  the  Tlaloc  eye,  though  certainly 
not  limited  to  this  deity. 

The  figure  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XXIV  is  evidently  intended 
to  express  the  same  idea  as  that  in  the  lower  division  of  XXV ;  but  I  am  at 
a  loss  to  decide  what  deity  is  denoted.  A  god  with  four  hands,  as  here 
shown,  is  an  anomaly  in  Mexican  and  Central  American  mythology.  I 
have  failed  to  find  any  such  represented  in  the  Codices,  though  I  have 
looked  through  them  somewhat  carefully  for  this  purpose.  Nor  have  I 
found  any  mention  of  such  an  one  in  any  of  the  works  I  have  at  hand. 

Prof.  Edward  S.  Holden  thinks  he  sees  four  hands  to  the  figure  on  the 

o 

Leyden  Stone,  but  I  must  confess  I  have  been  unable  to  find  more  than 
two  which  appear  to  belong  to  the  principal  personage.  He  is  of  the  opin¬ 
ion  that  the  figure  on  our  plate  is  intended  to  represent  the  Mexican  god  of 
war,  Huitzilopochtli}  It  is  possible  that  this  surmise  is  correct,  as  it  agrees 
in  several  important  respects  with  the  dark  figure  in  the  upper  division  of 
Plate  XXV,  which  I  think  beyond  doubt  represents  this  deity. 

As  the  reader  will  find  the  characteristics  and  sjunbols,  and  also  a  very 
reasonable  and  probably  correct  interpretation  of  these  given  at  length  by 
Bancroft  in  his  Native  Races,  I  will  omit  the  mention  of  them  here.  I  only 
add  that  here  we  see  the  feathers,  the  shield,  the  snake  belt,  the  arrows  and 
spear,  and  everything,  even  to  the  attitude,  that  betokens  a  warlike  deity. 
The  accompanying  serpent,  which  here  clearly  denotes  a  cloud,  is  not 
wanting;  the  rain  pours  down  in  fearful  torrents,  and  on  each  side  is  the 


1  “Studies  of  American  Picture  Writing”;  in  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 


tiiomas.]  EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  PLATES  XXIY-XXYII.  105 


death  symbol.  This  god  we  know  was  a  companion  of,  or,  rather,  accom¬ 
panied  by,  Tlaloc,  whose  figure  we  see  by  turning  to  the  adjoining  Plate 
XXIV.  But  here,  instead  of  being  in  his  favorite  blue,  we  see  him  clothed 
in  black  and  bearing  on  his  arm  the  shield  that  forms  one  of  the  tokens  of 
the  war  god.  On  this  we  see  the  symbol  for  Ik ,  “breath”  or  “wind,” 
twice  given,  betokening  the  storm  and  the  whirlwind.  In  his  right  hand 
the  spear-hurler,  or,  as  here  used,  the  lightning  symbol,  while  in  front  of 
him  is  the  Uayeyab  idol  or  figure  representing  the  year,  upon  whose  head 
the  torrents  are  descending,  and  upon  whom  the  angry  Tlaloc  appears  to  be 
venting  his  wrath.  If  a  supposition,  hereafter  more  fully  explained,  that 
this  figure  represents  Zamna,  or  corn,  prove  correct,  the  signification  of 
what  is  here  shown  is  at  once  clear. 

Above  the  head  of  the  god,  sailing  through  the  air,  is  a  batrachian,  or 
frog-like  animal,  a  symbol  of  abundant  water. 

The  large  character  in  the  middle,  which  has  the  inner  space  blank, 
was  doubtless  intentionally  left  so.  I  am  unable  to  guess  its  meaning, 
unless  it  be  a  time  symbol  of  some  kind.  The  transverse  line  of  partially 
obliterated  characters  at  the  top  are  similar  to  those  found  in  the  middle 
transverse  line  on  Plates  XX-X.XIII,  which  probably  have  the  same  signifi¬ 
cation  here  as  there. 

As  before  remarked,  Plates  XXVI  and  XXVII  appear  to  belong 
together,  and  to  refer  to  the  milder  and  beneficial  rains. 

In  the  upper  division  of  the  former  we  see  Tlaloc,  accompanied  by  his 
four  Chacs,  the  latter  without  any  marks  of  distinction,  as  here  the  inten¬ 
tion  appears  to  be  to  represent  them  as  rain-givers  only.  The  former  is 
shown  here  in  his  usual  blue  color,  but  the  scorpion-like  caudal  appendage 
is  uncommon,  and,  taken  in  connection  with  the  plate  on  the  loins  to  which 
it  is  attached,  is,  as  I  believe,  a  time  symbol  of  some  kind.  We  notice 
that  the  claw  at  the  tip  appears  to  clasp  the  single  red  numeral  character 
surrounded  by  dots.  In  this  space  we  also  observe  the  symbols  of  the 
four  cardinal  points,  one  by  each  Chac.1 

1 1  have  been  in  considerable  doubt  as  to  whether  these  minor  deities  are  Chacs  or  Bacabs,  as 
there  appears  to  he  much  confusion  in  the  writiugs  of  the  old  authors  in  reference  to  them;  hut  have 
decided  to  apply  the  name  Chacs  to  those  which  appear  to  he  related  to  the  rain  gods.  I  think  it  proba¬ 
ble  that  the  two  terms  apply  to  the  same  deities. 


106 


A  STUDY  OP  TIIE  MANUSCRIPT  TKOANO. 


The  figures  in  the  lower  division  of  this  plate,  I  think,  are  easily  inter¬ 
preted.  Here  is  the  cloud,  or  moisture,  represented  in  the  form  of  a  serpent, 
with  a  Tlaloc  head  to  denote  its  beneficial  and  fertilizing  influence.  Tlaloc, 
who  has  been  riding  upon  it,  now  starts  upon  his  descent  to  earth,  bearing 
upon  his  back  the  symbol  of  abundance  of  food — a  vase  fdled  with  corn 
and  a  vine  loaded  with  fruit. 

I  am  aware  that  I  have  heretofore  referred  to  the  serpent  as  a  symbol 
of  time,  but  this  diversity  in  the  application  of  this  symbol  has  been  recog¬ 
nized  by  others.  Bancroft,  after  a  thorough  consultation  of  the  numerous 
authorities  in  his  extensive  library,  remarks,  in  speaking  of  the  attributes 
of  the  Mexican  god  Huitzilopoctli :  “Huitzilopoctli  is  also  a  snake  god. 
*  *  *  *  jf  Uie  snake  signifies  in  one  case  time,  in  another  world,  and 

in  another  instance  water,  or  the  yearly  rejuvenation  of  germs  and  blos¬ 
soms,  the  eternal  circle  of  nature,  divination,  soothsaying,  it  is  quite  proper, 
for  all  these  qualities  are  found  united  in  the  god.” 

The  figures  in  the  upper  division  of  XXAHI  are  very  similar  in  char¬ 
acter  and  signification  to  those  just  described.  Here  is  the  snake  cloud 
floating  along,  the  crimson  underlining  indicating  either  the  lightning  or 
the  effect  of  the  setting  sun.  On  the  head  stands  Tlaloc,  while  he  pours 
out  the  rain  from  the  inverted  vase  in  his  hands.  On  another  part  stands  a 
goddess,  possibly  Ixmol ,  also  pouring  the  refreshing  rain  on  the  parched 
earth. 

The  central  figure  in  the  lower  division  of  this  plate  has  already  been 
alluded  to  and  the  conclusion  reached  that  it  is  the  female  deity  Xnuc,  the 
mountain,  or  mountain  range,  from  which  the  rains  of  that  region  mostly 
come.  The  chief  parts  of  the  figures  in  this  division  may  be  thus  explained: 
The  blue  lines,  the  rain  flowing  out  from  the  skirts  and  down  the  sides ; 
the  serpent,  the  embryo  cloud  on  the  summit,  through  which  the  lightning, 
represented  by  the  red  dots,  is  playing.  Here  we  see  the  four  Chacs,  with 
their  distinguishing  marks  upon  them ;  also  Tlaloc,  with  a  singular  head¬ 
dress. 

From  a  careful  study  of  these  four  plates  I  conclude  that  XXY  pre¬ 
cedes  XXIV,  and  that  XXVII  precedes  XXVI,  in  other  words,  should  pro¬ 
ceed  to  the  left  in  the  order  paged. 


THOMAS.] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGUEES  ON  PLATE  XXVIII. 


107 


Plate  XXVIII  appears  to  relate  somewhat  to  the  same  general  subject 
as  the  preceding  group  just  described,  but  is  not  so  directly  connected  with 
them  as  they  are  with  each  other.  It  seems,  in  fact,  to  belong  between  this 
group  and  the  one  which  follows  (in  the  order  of  the  paging),  and  appar¬ 
ently  precedes  the  former. 

The  chief  objects  of  interest  on  this  plate  are  the  figures  in  the  second 
and  lower  division.  The  larger  figures  either  represent  two  deities  closely 
allied  and  belonging  to  the  same  class,  or  are  symbolic.  As  they  are 
frequently  met  with  throughout  the  Manuscript  I  presume  they  are  recog¬ 
nized  deities.  In  this  place  I  think  they  represent  the  earth  or  soil, 
which,  parched  and  dry  in  consequence  of  a  severe  drought,  are  here 
represented  as  looking  up  toward  the  heavens,  as  if  supplicating  rain  upon 
the  planted  and  sprouting  maize,  the  emblems  of  which  they  bear  in  their 
hands.  As  will  be  noticed  elsewhere,  there .  are  very  strong  reasons  for 
believing  that  the  lower  figure,  and  probably  both,  represent  gods  of  death, 
or  that  they  are  symbols  of  death.  This  agrees  very  well  with  the  explana¬ 
tion  I  have  suggested.  The  lower  figure  has  in  one  hand  the  bread  symbol, 
in  the  other  that  of  sprouting  corn.  In  the  hands  of  that  of  the  second 
division  are  smaller  figures,  bearing  Kan  characters,  here  doubtless  used  as 
corn  symbols. 

These  smaller  figures  with  the  two-colored  face,  which  will  be  found 
frequently  introduced  on  the  next  five  plates,  certainly  represent  something 
of  the  utmost  importance  in,  or  bearing  a  close  relation  to,  Maya  agriculture. 

Without  stopping  just  here  to  give  my  reasons  for  the  belief,  I  venture 
the  opinion  that  they  are  here  given  as  figures  of  the  deity  Zamna ,  or 
Itzamna ,  but  with  the — as  I  presume  generally  understood — idea,  or  belief, 
that  Itzamna  and  maize  were  equivalents,  or  so  closely  related,  that  to  figure 
this  deity  in  connection  with  agricultural  subjects  was  equivalent  to  figuring 
maize,  or  possibly  seed  in  a  broader  sense. 

The  blue,  serpent-like  figure  with  purple  margin  in  the  third  division 
of  this  plate  (XXVIII)  is  possibly  intended  as  the  symbol  of  a  floating 
cloud.  The  chac  in  front,  Tlaloc  resting  quietly  on  one  of  the  curves,  the 
blue  color  and  purple  lining  all  correspond  with  this  idea.  But  the  Zamna 


108 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


figures  and  vegetable  sprouts  upon  it  do  not  agree  with  this  interpretation. 
Still  I  believe  it  to  be  the  idea  intended. 

Plates  XXIX-XXXIII  appear  to  relate  entirely  to  agricultural  pur- 
uits,  especially  to  the  cultivation  of  maize,  cacao,  some  vine,  and  possibly, 
cotton. 

In  this  connection  I  would  call  special  attention  to  the  first  (top)  and 
second  divisions  of  Plates  XXX  and  XXXI,  and  the  two  Tlaloc  figures  in 
the  lower  division  of  XXXIII  In  these  we  undoubtedly  have  the  planting 
of  seed,  most  likely  corn,  represented.  The  number  of  grains  deposited  in 
a  place  appears  usually  to  be  five,  but  occasionally  six  seem  to  be  dropped. 
The  opening  or  hole  in  the  soil  is  made  with  a  pointed  wooden  stick,  always 
more  or  less  bent  or  curved  in  the  figures.  According  to  Landa  the  custom 
of  the  native  farmers  was  to  make  holes  at  regular  intervals,  and  in  each 
deposit  “five  or  six  grains”  of  maize.  The  number  appears  to  be  indicated 
in  the  plates,  not  only  by  the  figures  of  balls  dropped,  but  also  by  the  spread 
fingers  with  knobs  at  the  tips,  showing  that  five  was  the  established  number. 
As  further  evidence  of  the  correctness  of  this  interpretation,  the  individuals 
represented  on  Plates  XXX  and  XXXI,  as  engaged  in  this  work,  have  their 
heads  covered  with  a  kind  of  matting  or  straw  hat,  indicating  that  they  are 
in  the  sun,  where  the  head  needs  protection.  The  character  in  this  head- 
gear,  as  will  hereafter  be  shown,  probably  signifies pj)oc,  “a  hat”  or  “head¬ 
covering.” 

The  similar  operation  represented  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate 
XXXIII,  where  Tlaloc,  or  a  priest  attired  as  this  deit}T,  is  the  planter, 
probably  refers  to  the  seed  of  some  other  plant,  possibly  the  gourd  or  bean, 
or  the  leguminous  plant  figured  in  the  second  division  of  the  same  plate. 

As  I  have  expressed  a  belief  that  the  figures  with  a  two-colored  face 
are  given  to  represent  Zamna,  or  Itzanma,  one  of  the  chief  Maya  deities 
or  culture  heroes,  I  will  give  here  in  part  my  reasons  for  this  opinion. 

First.  As  has  been  heretofore  intimated,  and  as  will  hereafter  be  more 
fully  shown,  the  Imix  and  Kan  symbols  are  undoubtedly  often  used  to 
denote  bread  and  maize,  and  the  word,  or  name,  Itzamna  has  as  its  primary 
signification  seed  from  which  plants  issue,  the  chief  reference  being  to 


maize. 


THOMAS.] 


THE  ZAMNA  FIGURES. 


109 


Second.  In  the  plates  now  under  consideration  the  figures  with  the 
two-colored  face  appear  to  have  some  intimate  relation  to  agricultural  pur¬ 
suits. 

Third  The  Kan  symbols  and  these  figures  are  both  represented  as 
being  attacked  by  quadrupeds,  birds,  and  worms. 

For  example,  on  Plate  XXIX,  left-hand  figure  of  the  second  division, 
we  see  a  bird  picking  up  the  planted  seed  before  it  has  sprouted;  in  the 
next  figure  to  the  right,  same  division,  we  see  a  small  fox-like  quadruped 
seizing  it  after  it  has  sprouted;  in  the  third  division,  same  plate,  and  lower 
divisions  of  Plates  XXX,  XXXI,  XXXII,  and  XXXIII,  we  see  quadrupeds, 
birds,  and  worms  attacking  these  supposed  Zamna  figures.1  In  the  latter 
cases  the  intention  was  probably  to  signify  that  the  plant  was  attacked  by 
these  enemies.  The  figure  in  the  lower  left-hand  corner  of  Plate  XXX 
shows  three  worms  at  different  heights,  probably  signifying  that  the  root, 
foliage,  and  fruit  were  attacked.  The  symbol  ca  in  the  eye  of  this  figure 
may  be  considered  a  symbol  of  the  cultivated  calabash,  though  it  is  proba¬ 
bly  intended  to  signify  that  the  plant  (which  I  take  to  be  a  maize  symbol) 
is  dead,  having  been  killed  by  the  attacks  of  these  insect  foes. 

I  am  aware  that  the  explanations  here  given  may  be  considered  as 
somewhat  overstrained,  yet  I  am  convinced  that  a  close  and  careful  study 
of  these  figures  and  all  that  can  be  found  relating  to  them  will  end  in 
leading  others  to  the  same  conclusion.  I  may  also  add  that  the  difference 
in  the  plants  or  varieties  represented  by  these  figures  (if  such  be  their 
signification)  is  shown  by  the  eye  and  the  marks  on  the  head-dress,  which 
here  appear  to  refer  to  foliage.  Possibly  these  differences  have  reference 
only  to  the  different  kinds  of  corn,  but  this  I  think  is  indicated  by  the 
color.  See,  for  example,  Plate  XXX,  third  division,  the  yellow  and  white. 

The  peculiar  birds  in  the  third  divisions  of  Plates  XXX  and  XXXI 
may  have  reference  to  certain  auguries;  otherwise  I  can  give  no  guess  as 
to  their  meaning. 

The  next  to  the  right-hand  figure  of  the  third  division,  Plate  XXIX, 
probably  represents  some  such  plant  as  maguey,  or  yucca. 

The  lower  left-hand  figure  of  Plate  XXXI  I  think  simply  represents 

1  The  reader  is  referred  to  the  quotation  from  Landa  in  reference  to  the  ceremonies  of  the  Cauac  year 
(page  (i6). 


110 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


the  act  of  watering  the  parched  and  dying  maize  plants.  The  Kan  char¬ 
acter  here  bears  a  sprout,  or  plant,  which  appears  to  be  drooping  and  dying. 
Although  the  figure  holding  the  jar  is  Tlaloc,  I  think  this  represents  artificial 
watering,  and  not  rain. 

Plates  XXXII  and  XXXIII  appear  to  relate  principally  to  the  cultiva¬ 
tion  of  cacao,  cotton,  and  some  climbing  plant,  and  to  severe  drought. 

The  figures  in  the  upper  division  I  think  relate  to  the  cultivation  of  the 
cacao,  either  to  the  festival  held  specially  by  the  planters,  as  described  by 
Landa,1  the  particular  part  taken  by  them  in  the  festival  held  to  induce  the 
gods  to  give  them  rain,  or  some  incident  in  the  process  of  cultivation. 

Landa,  in  his  description  of  their  special  festival  in  the  month  Muan, 
states  that  “they  gave  to  each  of  the  officers  a  branch  with  the  fruit  of  the 
cacao.”  This  is  doubtless  represented  by  the  figures  holding  branches  in 
their  hands. 

The  figures  in  the  second  division  of  these  two  plates  represent  two 
different  plants — one  evidently  a  vine  supported  by  a  stake,  just  as  grape 
vines  are  now  supported,  on  which  hang  what  appear  to  be  pods,  possibly 
beans  of  some  kind.  The  other  plant  has  a  fruit  represented  by  a  little 
circle  surrounded  by  a  ring  of  dots,  possibly  cotton. 

In  the  third  division  of  these  plates  there  are  figures  of  fox-like  ani¬ 
mals  bearing  torches  and  leaping  over  a  sleeping  Zamna  figure  and  an 
incense-burner.  In  the  place  of  the  eye  is  a  character  resembling  that  for 
C  or  Chuen.  It  is  possible  that  it  here  stands  for  the  Maya  word  chocou, 
“hot,”  or  chocoual ,  “heat,”  and  that  the  animal  with  the  torches  is  a  symbol 
of  the  scorching,  burning  heat  of  the  sun.2  This  idea  agrees  very  well 
with  what  we  see  in  the  division  above  (second).  The  figures  here  appear 
to  represent  cultivated  vines,  which  are  parched  and  dying  from  the  effect 
of  heat  and  drought.  The  Tlaloc  head  at  the  foot  of  one  of  these  shows 
that  they  are  also  to  some  extent  symbolic. 

The  third  and  fourth  divisions  of  Plates  XXXIV  and  XXXV  evidently 
relate  to  painting  the  vessels,  &c.,  alluded  to  by  Landa,  where  he  says  that 

1  See  Appendix  No.  3. 

2 1  call  attention  here  to  Landa’s  statement,  heretofore  quoted,  in  reference  to  the  calamities  to 
be  expected  in  the  lx  years,  especially  severe  droughts.  Also  to  the  fact  that  an  image  of  Zamna  is 
introduced  in  the  festival. 


THOMAS.] 


THE  TITLE-PAGE. 


Ill 


“during  this  month  (  YaxJcin )  they  commenced  to  prepare  themselves,  accord¬ 
ing  to  custom,  for  a  general  festival  which  was  celebrated  in  Mol,  on  a  day 
which  the  priest  designated,  in  honor  of  all  the  gods.  They  called  it  Oloh- 
zab-Jcam-yax.  After  the  ceremonies  and  usual  incensing  which  they  wished 
to  do,  they  smeared  with  their  blue  paint  the  instruments  of  all  the  pro¬ 
fessions  from  those  the  priest  used,  even  to  their  wives’  spindle  and  the 
doors  of  their  houses.”  Here  we  see  the  priests  dressed  up  to  represent 
certain  deities,  with  paint-pot  in  one  hand  and  strip  of  yucca  or  maguey  leaf 
in  the  other,  applying  the  blue  paint  to  their  vessels  (see  Fig  25). 

The  following  statement,  by  Col.  Janies  Stevenson,  regarding  the 
method  in  use  among  the  Zuni  Indians  in  making  and  applying  paints  to 
their  pottery,  will  illustrate  this:  “When  the  pigment  is  properly  reduced 
and  mixed  with  water  so  as  to  form  a  thin  solution,  it  is  applied  with  brushes 
made  of  the  leaves  of  the  yucca.  These  brushes  are  made  of  flat  pieces  of 
the  leaf,  which  are  stripped  off  and  bruised  at  one  end,  and  are  of  different 
sizes  adapted  to  the  coarse  or  fine  lines  the  artist  may  wish  to  draw.  In 
this  manner  all  the  fine  lines  on  the  pottery  are  produced.” 

The  figures  in  the  upper  division  of  these  two  plates  perhaps  represent 
priests  with  calendar  wheels,  determining  the  time  at  which  the  coming  fes¬ 
tival  shall  be  held. 

Those  in  the  second  division  of  Plate  XXXV  are  probably  in  the  act 
of  preparing  the  paint. 

PART  SECOND  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT. 

The  title-page. — Although  this  is  occupied  almost  wholly  by  characters, 
I  think  it  is  best  to  discuss  its  general  import  in  this  connection. 

One  of  the  first  things  that  strikes  us  as  somewhat  singular,  and  as 
having  some  hidden  meaning,  is  the  fact  that  there  are  ten  transverse  lines 
(the  numerals  are  not  considered  separately  from  the  characters  to  which 
they  belong)  and  seven  characters  or  groups  of  characters  in  each  line, 
making  seventy  in  all— -exactly  the  number  of  plates  in  the  Manuscript. 
This  arrangement  by  sevens  cannot  be  accidental,  and  must  therefore  have 
had  some  particular  meaning  understood  by  the  author  and  those  for  whose 
use  the  work  was  composed.  That  it  does  not  refer  to  any  of  their  divis- 


112 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


ions  of  time  I  think  is  clear  from  what  has  been  shown  concerning  their 
calendar.  When  I  first  noticed  this  arrangement  I  was  of  the  opinion  that 
it  indicated  the  number  of  different  subjects  treated  of  in  the  manuscript, 
and  that  the  page  should  be  considered  in  columns.  But  subsequent  study 
has  led  me  to  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  first  part  of  this  theory. 

W e  observe  that  the  first  (top)  line  consists  of  seven  day  characters  as 
follows  (counting  from  left  to  right  as  numbered):  Ymix,  Ik ,  Akbal ,  Kan, 
Chicchan ,  Cbm,  and  Manik.  Two  are  obliterated,  but  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  missing  ones  are  Kan  and  Chicchan,  a  conclusion  I  had 
reached  before  I  had  seen  Rosny’s  work  or  Dr.  Brinton’s  article.  Brasseur 
supplied  the  fourth  space  with  Ahau  and  the  fifth  with  Kan. 

In  this  connection  I  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  on  the  left-hand  slab 
of  the  Palanque  Tablet  there  are  just  seven  double  characters  under  the 
large  initiatory  hieroglyph.  Omitting  the  four  characters  by  the  upright  of 
the  cross,  the  number  of  columns  is  an  exact  multiple  of  seven,  whether 
we  omit  or  include  the  single  ones  in  the  transverse  lines  above  the  heads  of 
the  priests. 

Counting  the  large  initiatory  character  as  four — as  it  covers  four  spaces — 
and  each  double  one  as  two,  there  are  245  characters  on  the  entire  tablet — 
an  exact  multiple  of  seven.  It  may  be  worthy  of  notice  also  that  there  are 
just  seven  characters  in  and  immediately  around  the  cross  (included  in  the 
above  calculation),  viz,  two  on  the  upright,  omitted  in  Dr.  Rau’s  scheme; 
two  each  side,  and  one  immediately  to  the  left  of  the  lower  end  of  the  arrow 
shaft  (also  omitted  in  Dr.  Rau’s  plan):  that  there  are  17  (=10  +  7)  charac¬ 
ters  in  each  column  of  the  outer  slabs. 

This  may  be  accidental,  and,  as  a  rule,  but  little  confidence  should  be 
placed  in  such  calculations;  but  this,  taken  in  connection  with  what  we  find 
in  this  line  in  the  Manuscript,  is  sufficient  to  lead  us  to  believe  that  this 
septenary  arrangement  is  not  accidental,  but  intentional,  and  has  some  spe¬ 
cific,  hidden  meaning. 

The  tablet  on  the  inner  wall  of  Casa  No.  1  (Stephen’s  Cent.  Am.,  II, 
343)  has  on  it  fourteen  columns,  each  with  ten  characters,  making  140  in 
all;  but  those  on  the  outer  corridor  of  the  same  casa  have  each  twenty  col¬ 
umns  of  twelve  characters.  The  tablet  of  Casa  No.  3,  which  appears  to  be 


THOMAS.  J 


THE  SEPTENARY  ARRANGEMENT. 


113 


closely  related  to  the  Tablet  of  the  Cross,  presents  no  such  septenary 
arrangement,  yet  even  here  there  are  (counting  long  and  short)  seventeen 
columns,  and  in  the  extreme  right  and  left  columns  just  seventeen  charac¬ 
ters.  I  find  this  arrangement  by  sevens  frequently  in  the  Mexican  Codices, 
but  in  most  of  these  cases  it  is  apparent  that  this  results  from  the  division 
of  13,  as  a  corresponding  arrangement  by  sixes  accompanies,  or  is  to  be 
understood. 

Returning  to  our  plate,  we  may,  as  I  think,  make  use  of  this  septenary 
characteristic  in  determining  some  of  the  numerals  that  are  partially  oblit¬ 
erated.  The  red  are  sufficiently  distinct  except  the  missing  ones  in  the 
upper  line,  in  reference  to  which  there  is  no  question  of  doubt  in  the  minds 
of  students  of  this  work;  and  the  right-hand  one  of  the  line  next  to  the 
bottom — the  only  question  here  being  whether  this  is  18  or  19.  Adding 
together  all  the  numbers  indicated  by  these  red  numeral  characters  (includ¬ 
ing  the  seven  in  the  upper  line),  we  find  the  sum  to  be  153,  if  we  count  the 
right-hand  one  of  the  9th  line  18,  or  154  if  we  count  it  19.  As  the  latter 
number  (154)  is  an  exact  multiple  of  seven,  we  conclude  that  this  character 
is  19,  and  this  agrees  with  the  eroded  space  and  the  position  of  the  dots 
over  the  remaining  portion. 

This  septenary  arrangement  does  not  appear  to  hold  good  with  the 
black  numerals. 

Returning  to  the  first  or  top  line  we  observe,  as  before  remarked,  that 
it  commences  with  Ymix  According  to  Landa  the  Mayas  began  the  com¬ 
putation  of  their  days,  that  is,  their  calendar,  with  one  Ymix.  We  quote 
his  language  here,  as  it  is  somewhat  singular: 

“It  is  curious  to  note  how  the  dominical  letter  [of  the  year]  always 
comes  up  at  the  beginning  of  its  year,  without  mistake  or  failing,  and  that 
none  of  the  other  twenty  letters  appears.  They  also  used  this  method  of 
counting  in  order  to  derive  from  certain  letters  a  method  of  counting  their 
epochs  and  other  things,  which,  though  interesting  to  them,  does  not  con¬ 
cern  us  much  here.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  the  character  or  letter  with 
which  they  begin  their  computation  of  the  days  or  their  calendar  is  called 

one  Ymix,  which  is  this  f  *"  j  ,  which  has  no  certain  or  fixed  day  on 


114 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


which  it  falls.  Because  each  one  changes  its  position  according  to  his  own 
count;  yet,  for  all  that,  the  dominical  letter  of  the  year  which  follows  does 
not  fail  to  come  up  correctly.”1 

It  appears  that  the  Chiapenec,  Tzendal,  Soconuscan,  Quiche,  and  Cak- 
chiquel  calendars  began  the  list  of  days  with  Imox ,  following  it  with  Ik  or 
Igh.  This  fact  indicates  a  common  origin  of  the  calendars  and  of  the  people. 
It  also  renders  the  statement  of  some  of  the  old  authorities,  that  the  names  of 
the  days  were  taken  from  the  names  of  their  deities  and  heroes,  quite  plausi¬ 
ble.  If  this  be  true,  we  have  possibly  in  the  seven  days  here  given  the 
names  of  the  seven  chief  deities;  and  the  characters  on  the  page  are  to  be 
read  in  columns,  each  column  having  at  the  top  one  of  these  sacred  names. 
The  characters  in  the  second  line  appear  to  accord  with  this  view,  as  the 
first  four,  counting  from  the  left,  are  those  which  I  have  attempted  to  prove 
indicate  the  four  cardinal  points.  As  a  further  examination  of  this  plate 
would  require  me  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  the  characters  themselves  1 
will  defer  further  notice  until  I  reach  that  subject. 

If  the  figures  furnish  us  with  any  evidence  by  which  to  judge  of  the 
contents,  I  decide  without  any  hesitancy  that.  Plates  I*— X*  of  this  part  of 
the  work  relate  to  one  general  subject,  to  wit,  the  work  and  festivals  of  the 
apiarists.  We  may  be  somewhat  surprised  to  find  so  large  a  portion  of  the 
Manuscript  devoted  to  the  festivals  of  this  limited  class,  whose  industry  was 
generally  considered  of  but  minor  importance  except  in  certain  localities. 
But  here  again,  as  I  believe,  we  detect  the  cunning  of  the  priests.  This  was 
a  scheme  to  supply  their  board  with  honey.  Moreover,  it  is  quite  probable 
this  Manuscript  pertained  to  a  section  where  the  production  of  honey  was 
an  important  industry. 

The  objection  to  the  theory  that  these  plates  relate  to  these  particular- 
festivals  may  be  raised,  that  the  insects  represented  by  the  figures  on  them 
are  not  bees,  but  beetles  (coleopterous  insects). 

1  Relacion  dc  las  cosas  de  Yucatan,  p.  236.  Y  mnclio  de  notar  saiga  sieiupre  la  letras  que  es  domini¬ 
cal  en  el  primero  dia  de  su  afio,  sin  errar  ni  faltar,  ni  venir  a  salir  otra  delas  XX  alii.  Unsavan  tambien 
deste  mode  de  contar  para  sacar  destas  lelras  cierto  modo  de  contar  para  sacar  destas  letras  cierto  modo 
de  c.onlar  que  Ionian  para  las  edades  y  otras  cosas  quo  aunqne  son  para  ellos  curiosas,  no  nos  liazen 
aqui  muclio  al  proposito;  y  por  esso  se  quedaran  con  dezir  que  el  caracter  o  letra  de  que  comengava  su 
cuenta  do  los  (lias  o  kalendario,  se  llama  Hun  Tmix  y  es  este  el  qua!  no  tienc  dia  cierto  ni  senelado 
enque  craya.  Porque  cada  uuo  le  muda  la  propia  cuenta  y  contado  esso  no  falta  el  salir  la  letra  qui 
vieue  por  dominical  el  primero  del  ano  que  se  sigue. 


THOMAS.] 


THE  BEES  OF  YUCATAN. 


115 


The  wings  and  abdomen  are,  it  is  true,  very  much  like  the  elytra  and 
abdomen  of  beetles,  but  there  are  abundant  reasons  for  believing  that  the 
opinion  I  have  advanced  here,  which  appears  to  have  been  held  by  Abbe 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  is  correct. 

First.  We  find  nowhere  any  reason  for  believing  that  beetles  played 
an  important  part  in  the  religious  ceremonies  of  the  natives  of  Yucatan. 

Second.  We  do  know,  from  the  most  satisfactory  evidence,  notwith¬ 
standing  the  assertions  of  some  writers  to  the  contrary,  that  bees  were 
abundant  in  some  sections,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  they  were 
domesticated  and  reared  for  their  honey;  in  fact,  the  collecting  of  honey 
appears  to  have  been  an  important  industry  in  some  localities.  I  quote  in 
proof  of  this  statement  from  Clavigero,  Yol.  I,  page  G8: 

‘‘There  are  at  least  six  different  kinds  of  bees.  The  first  is  the  same 
with  the  common  bee  of  Europe,  with  which  it  agrees,  not  only  in  size, 
shape,  and  color,  but  also  in  its  .disposition  and  manners  and  in  the  qualities 
of  its  honey  and  wax.  The  second  species,  which  differs  from  the  first  only 
in  having  no  sting,  is  the  bee  of  Yucatan  and  Chiapa,  which  makes  the 
fine,  clear  honey  of  Estabentun,  of  an  aromatic  flavor,  superior  to  that  of 
all  the  other  kinds  of  honey  with  which  we  are  acquainted.  The  honey  is 
taken  from  them  six  times  a  year;  that  is,  once  in  every  other  month;  but 
the  best  is  that  which  is  got  in  November,  being  made  from  a  fragrant 
white  flower,  like  jessamine,  which  blows  in  September,  called  in  that 
country  Estabentun,  from  which  the  honey  has  derived  its  name. 

“The  third  species  resembles  in  its  form  the  winged  ants,  but  is  smaller 
than  the  common  bee  and  without  a  sting.  This  insect,  which  is  peculiar 
to  warm  and  temperate  climates,  forms  nests  in  size  and  shape  resembling 
sugar-loaves,  and  even  sometimes  greatly  exceeding  these  in  size,  which  are 
suspended  from  rocks  or  from  trees,  and  particularly  from  the  oak.  The 
populousness  of  these  hives  are  much  greater  than  those  of  the  common  bee. 
The  nymphs  of  this  bee,  which  are  eatable,  are  white  and  round,  like  a 
pearl.  The  honey  is  of  a  grayish  color,  but  of  a  fine  flavor.  The  fourth 
species  is  a  yellow  bee,  smaller  than  the  common  one,  but,  like  it,  furnished 
with  a  sting ;  its  honey  is  not  equal  to  those  already  mentioned.  The 
fifth  is  a  small  bee  without  a  sting,  which  constructs  hives  of  an  orbicular 


116 


A  STUDY  OE  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


form  in  subterraneous  cavities;  and  the  honey  is  sour  and  somewhat  bitter. 
The  Tlalpipiolli,  which  is  the  sixth  species,  is  black  and  yellow,  of  the  size 
of  the  common  bee,  but  has  no  sting'.” 

He  also  adds,  in  a  foot-note  on  page  G8,  the  following  statement:  “The 
honey  of  Estabentun  is  in  high  estimation  with  the  English  and  French 
who  touch  at  the  ports  of  Yucatan;  and  I  have  known  the  French  of 
Guarico  buy  it  sometimes  for  the  purpose  of  sending  it  as  a  present  to  the 
king.” 

Landa,  in  speaking  of  these  festivals,  makes  particular  mention  of  bee¬ 
keepers,  or  keepers  of  beehives. 

Third.  A  careful  study  of  these  plates  of  the  Manuscript  I  think  will 
satisfy  any  one  that  the  bee  is  the  insect  intended,  although  the  figures  are 
inexact. 

Take,  for  example,  the  yellow  figure  in  the  middle  division  of  Plate 
V*.  The  hair  indicates  that  this  is  a  female,  -and  the  long  tongue  shows  it 
has  a  sucking  apparatus.1  There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  it  is  intended  as 
a  representation  of  the  queen  bee,  or  Ahaulil-cab ,  “the  queen  of  bees.” 

As  but  few  particulars  in  regard  to  the  festivals  of  the  apiarists  have 
been  recorded  we  have  but  little  to  guide  us  in  an  attempt  to  explain  the 
figures  in  these  plates,  Landa  states  in  reference  to  them  that  “In  the 
month  Tzoz  the  bee-keepers  (or  masters  of  the  hives)  prepare  themselves 
for  the  celebration  of  their  festival  in  Tzec.  *  *  *  *  They  had  for 

their  patrons  the  Bacabs,  especially  Hobnil.  They  made  at  that  time  great 
offerings,  particularly  to  the  four  Chacs,  to  which  they  presented  four 
plates,  with  pellets  of  incense  in  each  one  and  painted  round  the  border 
with  figures  of  honey  [honeycomb?],  in  order  to  obtain  an  abundance  by 
this  feast.”2 

Some  of  the  figures  appear  to  relate  to  the  operations  and  incidents  of 
the  industry,  as  we  have  seen  is  true  of  those  that  refer  to  hunting  and 
the  hunters’  festivals.  We  see  here  what  appear  to  be  their  hives,  either 
artificial — made  for  domesticated  bees — or  those  cut  from  the  tree  contain¬ 
ing  the  honey  of  the  wild  bees.  Notice,  for  example,  the  figure  in  the 
hands  of  the  female  in  the  right  of  the  lower  division  of  Plate  V*.  The 


1  Tbe  bee  is  a  mandibnlate  insect,  but  bas  an  elongated  tongue  for  extracting  tbe  nectar  of  flowers. 

2 See  Appendix  No.  3,  E. 


THOMAS.  ] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  PLATES  IIP-IX*. 


117 


upper  part  bears  a  different  mark  from  the  lower.  The  lower  part  is  marked 
with  the  chief  characteristics  of  the  symbol  for  Cauac,  which,  as  heretofore 
stated,  when  given  in  this  way  appear  to  signify  that  the  thing  upon  which 
they  are  placed  is  made  of  wood.  The  characters  on  the  upper  portion 
resemble  Caban,  and  here  probably  signify  Cab,  “honey,”  or  Cabnal,  “a 
hive  of  honey”;  but  it  is  proper  to  warn  the  reader  that  in  other  places,  as 
will  hereafter  appear,  it  is  used  to  denote  the  material  of  which  a  seat  is 
made.  I  think  it  more  than  likely  that  here  it  refers  to  the  vessel  in  which 
the  honey  is  contained  I  presume  this  to  be  the  case,  because  the  indi¬ 
viduals  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate  IX*  appear  to  have  lifted  the  honey 
out  of  the  vessel  which  lies  at  their  feet ;  and  we  also  see  on  the  arm  of  the 
individual  at  the  left  of  the  lower  division  of  Plate  V*  a  figure  marked  with 
this  same  character.  As  he  has  a  staff  in  his  right  hand  he  is  probably 
returning  from  a  successful  bee-hunt,  bearing  his  prize. 

According  to  Landa  the  apiarists  held  two  festivals  during  the  year, 
one  in  the  fifth  month  (Tzec),  and  the  other  in  the  eighth  month  (Mol); 
that  is,  in  October  and  December.  But  according  to  the  red  and  black 
numerals  in  these  plates  the  one  referred  to  appears  to  have  been  held 
annually,  on  the  days  Cib,  Caban  and  Ezanab,  in  the  17th  month — Kayab — 
corresponding  to  the  first  part  of  June.  The  female  in  the  lower  division 
of  Plate  V*  is  probably  Colebil-Xbolon-choch,  a  goddess  supposed  to  be  the 
patron  of  the  apiarists. 

I  would  also  call  attention  to  the  following  additional  items  on  these 
plates  which  are  worthy  of  notice. 

On  Plate  III*,  upper  division,  next  to  the  left-hand  figure,  we  notice  a 
kind  of  cross  arising  out  of  the  body  of  a  bee.  On  this  cross  are  parts  of 
a  partially  obliterated  figure,  which,  upon  close  inspection,  I  decide  with¬ 
out  hesitation  was  that  of  a  bird,  reminding  us  of  the  bird  on  the  Tablet  of 
the  Cross  at  Palanque  and  on  crosses  in  several  of  the  Mexican  Codices. 
A  foot,  the  tail,  and  parts  of  the  wings  are  yet  plainly  visible.  The  right- 
hand  figure  of  the  same  division  also  shows  a  plant  in  the  form  of  a  cross 
arising  out  of  the  body  of  a  bee.  I  presume  these  relate  to  the  requests  to 
the  gods  for  rain  to  make  the  plants  produce  flowers  for  the  bees. 

The  figure  at  the  right  of  the  middle  division  of  the  same  plate,  which 


118 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


I  take  to  be  the  god  of  death,  appears  to  be  in  the  act  of  breaking  a  vessel 
of  earthenware,  which,  as  the  presence  of  the  cross-bones  indicates,  is 
intended  to  signify  death.  The  character  between  the  parts  of  the  broken 
vessel  probably  signifies  “divided”  or  separated. 

The  figures  along  the  lower  margin  of  the  middle  division  of  Plates 
VIP,  VIII*,  IX*,  and  X*  are  chiefly  representations  of  offerings  made  to 
the  gods  of  the  bee-keepers,  as  here  we  see  the  leg  of  a  deer,  bread,  maize,  &c. 

The  broad  rectangnlar  red  figures  in  the  middle  division  of  the  plates 
last  mentioned,  and  elsewhere,  from  which  the  bees  are  flying,  may  repre¬ 
sent  hives  which  were  suspended  by  cords.  If  not,  I  am  wholly  unable  to 
guess  their  meaning. 

As  I  have  not  been  able  to  group  the  remaining  plates  of  the  Manu¬ 
script  in  a  satisfactory  manner,  I  will  content  myself  with  referring  to  such 
figures  as  I  think  I  can  explain,  without  attempting,  except  in  a  few  cases, 
to  show  their  connection  with  others. 

The  females  and  god  of  death  figured  on  Plate  XI*  appear  to  be 
weaving,  or  making  ropes.  The  figures  themselves  indicate  this  so  plainly 
as  to  leave  no  doubt  in  my  mind  in  reference  to  it.  Moreover,  some  of  the 
written  characters,  as  I  think,  correspond  with  this  interpretation. 

It  is  probable  the  figures  are  also  symbolic  representations  of  human 
life.  The  female  figure,  I  presume,  is  intended  to  represent  the  goddess 
Ixcliel ,  who,  in  addition  to  her  other  powers  or  attributes,  was  supposed  to 
preside  over  the  formation  and  birth  of  infants.  The  interlaced  or  cross- 
hatched  bundle  before  her  accords  with  this  idea,  if  my  interpretation  of  this 
reticulate  figure  be  correct — that  is,  that  it  signifies  zih1  or  zihil,  “birth”  or 
“origin.” 

The  presence  of  the  god  of  death  so  close  at  hand  and  the  death  sym¬ 
bol  before  him  in  the  second  division,  and  twice  in  the  lower  division,  are 
doubtless  intended  to  signify  the  uncertainty  of  human  life.  The  Ezanab 
character  on  the  head  of  this  god  in  this  place — as  this  is  not  usual — must 

‘In  writing  Maya  words  I  follow  the  orthography  of  the  lexicons,  hut  in  referring  to  the  signifi¬ 
cation  am  guided  by  what  I  suppose  to  have  been  the  sound — for  example,  1z,  z,  and  in  some  cases  oh 
appear  to  be  used  to  denote  the  same  sound,  or  at  least  are  the  ruling  elements  of  similar  words  having 
similar  signification.  As  a  matter  of  course  the  natives  could  make  the  distinctions  in  their  pronuncia¬ 
tion.  I  may  also  as  well  state  here  that  I  make  no  claim  to  a  knowledge  of  the  Maya  language.  I 
simply  refer  to  the  lexicons  and  grammar  for  such  use  as  I  desire  to  make  of  it  in  this  paper. 


THOMAS  ] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  PLATES  XIP-XVII*. 


119 


have  some  particular  signification  especially  applicable  to  what  is  here  sym¬ 
bolized.  As  some  of  the  cognate  words,  especially  where  the  aspirate  is 
used,  denote  “certainty,”  it  is  possible  that  it  is  used  here  to  signify  the 
certainty  of  death. 

Plates  XII*  to  XVII*  undoubtedly  relate  to  the  manufacture  of  idols. 
In  the  second  division  of  XII*  (see  Fig.  34)  we  see  the  artists  painting 
them  with  the  slip  of  yucca  or  maguey  leaf,  as  described  by  Colonel  Ste¬ 
venson,  and  also  by  Mrs.  Stevenson  in  her  admirable  little  pamphlet  on  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  Z  uni"  Indians. 

In  the  third  division  we  observe  the  priests  consecrating  the  implements 
and  the  wood  out  of  which  their  wooden  idols  are  to  be  made.  These 
plates,  I  think,  refer  to  the  manufacture  of  both  kinds  of  idols,  those  of 
burnt  clay  and  those  of  wood.  The  wooden  block  is  here  represented  by 
the  oblong  figure  with  Cauac  characters  on  it;  the  implement  by  the  twisted 
figure  on  or  against  the  block.  My  reasons  for  believing  that  this  is  a  tool 
of  some  kind  used  in  working  wood  is  that  in  the  third  division  of  Plate 
XXIII*,  I  see  it  in  the  hands  of  individuals  who  are  evidentty  doing  some¬ 
thing  to  trees.  The  trees  appear  to  be  severed  as  though  cut  off  by  a  rude 
saw  of  some  kind. 

The  figures  in  the  second  division  of  Plates  XIII*  and  XIV*  probably 
represent  the  idols  in  the  kilns,  or  in  their  positions  for  baking;  what  the 
birds  on  them  signify  I  am  unable  to  say;  possibly  they  relate  to  auguries. 

The  figures  of  bent  trees  in  the  third  and  lower  divisions  of  Plate 
XIII*  may  denote  the  temporary  cabins  in  which  they 
worked. 

The  figures  in  the  lower  division  probably  represent  what 
Landa  alludes  to  when  he  says,  “where  they  placed  the  wood 
with  a  great  urn  (tinaja)  for  to  keep  shut  up  (or  inclosed)  the 
idols  all  the  time  they  were  at  work  upon  them.”1 

We  see  here  the  priests  offering  incense  in  a  singularly  shaped  burner 
(Fig.  17)  over  these  unfinished  idols. 

The  wood  of  which  the  images  were  formed  was  probably  placed  in 


See  Appendix  No.  3  tl. 


120 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


these  urns  and  steamed,  in  order  to  soften  it,  or,  after  carving,  to  give  the 
images  themselves  the  desired  color. 

The  attention  of  the  reader  is  called  to  the  figures  on  which  the  indi¬ 
viduals  in  the  upper  division  of  this  and  of  Plate  XIV*  are  seated.  The 
characters  with  which  they  are  marked  denote,  as  I  believe,  that  they  are 
wooden  seats  or  platforms. 

In  the  left-hand  compartment  of  the  third  division  of  Plate  XIV*  we 
see  one  of  the  priests,  or  artists,  dressed  to  represent  the  god  of  death,  pre¬ 
paring  the  paint.  The  other  two  figures  in  the  same  division  show  them  at 
their  devotions  in  their  cabins.  In  the  lower  division  they  are  at  work 
carving  the  images.  The  peculiar  form  of  the  instrument  here  figured  (see 
Fig.  35)  leads  me  to  believe  it  was  of  metal. 

In  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XV*  are  the  “messengers,”  who  were 
sent  by  the  priests  to  procure  the  wood,  with  machetes  in  hand,  chopping 
down  the  trees.  Although  Lauda  states  that  cedar  alone  was  used  in  this 
work  two  different  species  of  trees  are  evidently  represented  here,  the  black 
one  doubtless  the  native  ebony  out  of  which  their  “black”  images  were 
carved. 

Division  two  of  Plates  XV*  and  XVI*,  and  division  four  of  XVII*  and 
XVIII*,  represent  the  artists  at  work  carving  images,  but  here  the  machete 
is  the  chief  implement  used. 

The  upper  division  of  XVII*  contains  two  groups  of  figures  which  I 
find  it  difficult  to  interpret  satisfactorily.  I  think  these  are  symbolic  repre¬ 
sentations,  and  not  pictographs.  The  left  group  may  possibly  signify  that 
out  of  the  earth  (represented  by  the  head  in  the  lower  left-hand  corner) 
springs  the  tree  (denoted  by  the  curved  beam  with  Cauac  characters  upon 
it);  that  it  finally  produces  a  god  (the  figure  at  the  top)  to  which  the 
people  and  priests  offer  incense  and  viands.  If  this  be  the  true  interpreta¬ 
tion  it  is  a  severe  satire  upon  their  worship,  and  reminds  us  strongly  of  the 
sarcasm  of  the  prophet  Isaiah  on  the  religion  of  the  idolaters  of  his  day. 

The  group  to  the  right  is  possibly  a  figurative  representation  of  a  similar 
idea.  At  the  base  are  two  Tlaloc  heads,  emblems  of  fertility,  out  of  which 
arises  a  tree  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  on  which  is  seated  an  idol.  The  plant 
probably  signifies  the  “tree  of  life,”  or  “life-giving  plant.” 


THOMAS.] 


EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  PLATES  XVIIP-XX1*.  121 


Similar  crosses  found  in  other  Codices,  with  two  indicated  halves,  denote 
the  meeting  of  two  periods  of  time — that  is,  the  close  of  one  period  and  the 
commencement  of  another;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  such  idea  is  con¬ 
nected  with  this  one.  I  think  it  has  reference  to  the  newly-formed  god,  as 
we  see  the  priest  here  also  presenting  offerings.  The  character  at  the  foot 
of  the  priest,  according  to  what  we  have  heretofore  ascertained,  denotes 
bread.  In  the  third  division  we  probably  see  the  newly-made  images  in 
baskets,  covered  with  cloth,  as  stated  by  Landa,  whose  description  of  this 
work  will  be  found  in  Appendix  No.  3,  I. 

The  persons  represented  in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XVIII*  are  pierc¬ 
ing  their  ears  and  sprinkling  the  blood  on  tortillas,  or  on  the  sacred  stones 
Acantun. 

In  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XIX*,  and  running  over  upon  the  right 
margin  of  XX*,  and  in  the  second  division  of  the  former,  we  have,  as  I 
believe,  a  series  of  figures  relating  to  one  subject.  The  earnest  desire  of 
the  Maya  woman  for  posterity  is  a  fact  well  known;  it  is  also  well  known 
that  to  this  end  it  was  their  custom  to  beseech  the  aid  of  their  deities  with 
earnest  prayers.  In  this  series  of  figures  we  see,  I  think,  this  custom  rep¬ 
resented  and  its  result.  Commencing  at  the  right  of  XIX*  and  moving 
toward  the  left,  there  is,  first,  the  woman  pleading  with  one  deity,  who  turns 
his  back  upon  her — -that  is,  refuses  to  grant  her  prayer;  the  next  one  listens, 
but  gives  no  favorable  response;  the  third  is  more  favorable;  and  now  the 
first  (shown  again  in  the  fourth  figure)  and  the  second  (shown  again  on 
Plate  XX*)  are  disposed  to  be  gracious. 

In  the  second  division  is  shown  the  result.  Proceeding  from  the  right 
towards  the  left  we  observe  the  tightening  girdle;  next,  one  strand  broken 
and  then  the  other.  The  figures  on  which  they  are  sitting  are  probably 
intended  for  mats. 

Although  this  series  may  have  a  general  application  it  is  possible  that 
it  refers  also  to  incidents  in  the  life  history  of  some  goddess,  or  noted  female 
of  the  early  days  of  the  nation. 

The  figures  in  the  third  division  of  XVIII*  and  XIX*  may  have  some 
relation  to  the  series  first  referred  to;  but,  if  so,  I  have  not  succeeded  in 
finding  it  out. 


122 


A  STUDY  OF  TJIE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


The  lower  divisions  of  XIX*  and  XX*  are  occupied  with  figures  of 
women  bearing  burdens.  The  substance  borne  by  three  out  of  the  eight  is 
denoted  by  Kan  figures,  which,  as  I  have  heretofore  intimated,  represent 
maize.  The  two  burdens  indicated  by  death  symbols  possibly  denote  the 
bones  or  ashes  of  their  dead;  I  think  it  likely  some  of  them  denotes  cala¬ 
bashes,  gourds,  or  some  vegetable  of  this  kind. 

This  “death  symbol,”  as  I  have  called  it,  may  also  be  used  as  the 
symbol  of  some  such  vegetable  product,  especially  as  there  are  one  or  two 
Maya  words  of  similar  sound  that  signify  calabash,  gourd,  &c.  The  right- 
hand  figure  of  XX*  is  carrying  something  which  probably  denotes  squashes, 
and  the  two  at  the  right  of  XIX*  their  lares  and  penates. 

The  figures  in  the  third  division  of  Plate  XX*  (see  Fig.  86)  form  the 
sequel  to  the  first  and  second  of  XIX*,  but  we  are  not  to  understand  this  as 
representing  baptism,1  as  the  sprinkling  is  not  performed  by  a  priest,  nor  is 
there  a  priest  present;  but  rather  as  ordinary  ablutions 

The  two  figures  in  the  left  compartment,  upper  division  of  XXI*,  are 
undoubtedly  time  symbols.  The  triangular  Ezanab  character  in  front  of 
the  Chac  probably  denotes  the  close  of  a  luster  or  Cycle,  as  this  is  the  last 
of  the  intercalated  days  of  the  lx  years.  The  circles  on  the  curved  figure 
may  signify  years  or  Ahaues. 

The  females  in  the  lower  divisions  of  XXI*  and  XXII*  appear  from 
their  hair  to  be  young  unmarried  persons,  who  are  probably  praying  unto 
the  gods,  represented  by  the  idols  before  them,  to  give  them  husbands,  or 
to  grant  some  special  favor. 

The  upper  division  of  Plates  XXIII*— XXVIII*  appear  to  relate 
to  warfare.  On  Plate  XXVII*  we  see  the  victors  returning,  leading  their 
prisoners  and  captured  animals,  singing  and  dancing  as  they  move  along. 
By  the  wayside  is  one  of  the  slain  enemies  being  devoured  by  a  vulture. 
Here  the  priest  is  seen  also  with  his  captive,  but,  as  might  be  expected,  it 
is  a  woman. 

On  XXVI*  and  XXV*  we  see  the  prisoners  delivered  into  the  hands  of 
the  priests  to  be  sacrificed.  Holding  by  the  hair,  as  here  shown,  appears 

1  As  to  the  Maya  baptism,  see  the  quotation  from  Lamia’s  Relacion  and  Translation,  Appendix 

No.  5. 


THOMAS]  EXPLANATION  OF  FIGURES  ON  PLATES  XXIIP-XXVIII*.  123 


always  to  indicate  that  the  individual  is  to  be  sacrificed.  Repeated  exam¬ 
ples  may  be  found  in  the  Mexican  Codices. 

On  the  former  there  is  also  the  figure  of  a  bird  plucking  the  eye  out 
of  one  of  the  slain;  but  here,  as  I  think,  something  more  is  intended  than 
simply  that  a  vulture  is  devouring  a  dead  man.  The  peculiar  eye  and 
black  body  show  very  clearly  that  this  is  the  same  bird  as  that  on  the  right 
in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XXVIII*.  In  the  latter  we  see  the  figures 
of  two  birds  in  deadly  conflict.  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  picture?  I 
believe  it  is  a  kind  of  pictograph,  somewhat  similar  to  those  drawn  by 
modern  Indians,  and  that  it  signifies  a  battle  between  two  tribes,  represented 
by  these  two  birds.  The  bird  with  the  red  circle  around  the  eye  denotes 
that  tribe  to  which  the  author  of  the  Manuscript  belonged,  and  which,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  was  victorious.  This  is  shown  by  the  figure  on  Plate 
XXVI*  previously  referred  to.  As  further  evidence  of  this  we  see  the 
other  bird  a  captive  in  the  hands  of  the  individual  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
upper  division  of  Plate  XXIII*. 

On  Plate  XXIV*  we  observe  the  god  of  the  conquered  tribe  a  captive 
in  the  hands  of  the  deity  of  the  victors,  and  in  front  of  them  a  soldier  run¬ 
ning  away  with  captured  spoils,  and  the  priest  with  the  captured  woman. 
On  Plate  XXIII*  is  the  figure  of  a  Chac  firing  the  dwellings  of  the  con¬ 
quered  village.  The  last-mentioned  figure  is  the  one  Brasseur  interpreted 
as  signifying  the  craters  of  a  double  volcano. 

The  reader  is  not  to  understand  that  I  claim  that  the  order  in  which 
these  figures  are  mentioned  is  that  in  which  they  should  come,  nor  is  it 
claimed  that  they  denote  here  a  real  battle,  as  it  is  probable  they  represent 
only  a  kind  of  play  enacted  during  some  festival;  yet  there  is  doubtless  an 
allusion  to  some  real  battle  or  war.  My  principal  reason  for  believing  it 
represents  only  a  play  is  the  significant  absence  of  weapons. 

The  following  account  of  the  celebration  of  a  Pipil  victory  is  taken 
from  Bancroft's  Native  Baces  : 

“When  information  was  received  from  their  war  chief  that  he  had 
gained  a  victory,  the  diviner  ascertained  to  which  of  the  gods  sacrifice  was 
to  be  made.  If  to  Quetzalcoatl,  the  ceremony  lasted  fifteen  days,  arid  upon 
each  day  they  sacrificed  a  prisoner.  These  sacrifices  were  made  as  follows: 


124 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


All  those  who  had  been  in  the  battle  returned  home  in  procession,  singing 
and  dancing,  bringing  with  them  the  captives  who  were  to  be  sacrificed, 
their  wrists  and  ankles  decorated  with  feathers  and  chalchiuites  and  their 
necks  with  strings  of  cacao-nibs.  The  high-priests  and  other  ministers 
went  out  at  the  head  of  the  populace  to  meet  them  with  music  and  dancing, 
and  the  caciques  and  captains  delivered  over  those  who  were  to  be  sacrificed 
to  the  high-priests.  Then  they  all  went  together  to  the  court-yard  of  their 
tuepa  or  temple,  where  they  continued  dancing  day  and  night  during  the 
time  the  sacrifices  lasted.  In  the  middle  of  the  court  was  a  stone  bench  on 
which  the  victim  was  stretched,  four  priests  holding  him  by  the  feet  and 
hands.  The  sacrificing  priest  then  came  forward,  adorned  with  many 
feathers  and  loaded  with  little  bells,  holding  in  his  hand  a  flint  knife,  with 
which  he  opened  the  breast  of  his  victim,  tore  out  the  heart,  brandished  it 
toward  the  cardinal  points,  and  finally  threw  it  into  the  air  with  sufficient 
force  to  cause  it  to  fall  directly  in  the  middle  of  the  court,  saying,  ‘Receive, 
0  Gfod,  this  thank-offering  for  the  victory.’  This  sacrifice  was  public  and 
beheld  by  all  the  people.” 


CHAPTER  Y. 

SYMBOLS,  PICTOGRAPHS,  AND  OTHER  FIGURES  WHICH  CAN¬ 
NOT  BE  PROPERLY  CLASSED  AS  WRITTEN  CHARACTERS. 

Before  attempting*  to  explain  any  of  the  written  characters  I  will  notice 
some  other  figures  which  are  true  pictures,  but  were  not  specially  alluded 
to  when  speaking  of  the  figures  in  the  spaces ;  others  which  may  be  classed 
as  pictographs,  and  some  which  appear  to  be  true  symbols. 

Foot-prints. — These  appear  to  have  two  or  three  different  significations 
in  the  various  manuscripts. 

First.  A  journey  made,  denoting  not  the  road,  but  the  fact  that  some 
one  has  passed  on  in  a  given  direction,  that  a  journey  has  been  partly  or 
completely  accomplished.  This  use  is  common  in  some  of  the  Mexican 
Codices. 

Second.  That  so  many  periods  of  time  have  elapsed.  This  appears  to 
be  their  signification  on  Plates  34  to  38  of  the  Borgian  Codex  and  Plates 
25  to  28  of  the  Dresden  Codex. 

Third.  To  denote  movements  to  be  made  during  certain  religious  fes¬ 
tivals.  This  appears  to  be  one  object  of  their  use  in  the  Manuscript  Troano, 
as,  for  example,  on  Plates  III  and  VI.  Another  is  to  indicate  journeyings. 

The  machete  or  hatchet  (bat  in  Maya)  is  represented  in  the  Manuscript 
in  two  forms  (Fig.  1 8,  a  and  b).  As  it  is  not  likely  the  artist  intended  to  be 
strictly  accurate  in  minor  details,  his  only  desire  being  to  represent  the 
implement  with  sufficient  exactness  to  insure  its  recognition,  we  may  not  be 
warranted  in  assuming  that  these  two  forms  indicate  a  difference  in  the 
hatchets.  The  one  marked  a  may  be  the  conventional  figure,  and  b  an 

125 


126 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


attempt  at  true  pictorial  representation;  yet  I  suggest  as  possible  that  the 
latter,  which  was  used  in  carving  the  wooden  images,  may  represent  the 
copper  ax  and  the  other  the  stone  ax.  Landa  (Relacion  §XXIX)  says: 

“They  had  little  hatchets  of  a  particular  metal  of  this 
form  [Fig.  18c].  These  they  adjusted  to  a  handle  of 
wood;  in  combat  these  served  them  as  an  arm;  they  were 
also  instruments  used  in  working  woody 

The  spear  or  dart ,  and  one  method  of  throwing  it,  is 
shown  in  Fig.  13  (page  96),  heretofore  referred  to.  I  judge 
from  this  that  a  kind  of  hook  or  hand  ballista  was  used  to 
give  it  more  force.  Something  similar  is  shown  frequently 
in  the  Mexican  Codices  and,  according  to  Valentini,  on  the 
Berlin  stone.  The  instrument  in  the  other  hand  may  be  a 
stick  with  a  notch  in  it  to  guide  the  dart;  the  only  reason 
for  doubting  this  is  the  bent  form  given  the  one  figured  on 
the  next  plate 

The  usual  form  of  the  spear  as  given  in  the  Manuscript  is  shown  in 
Fig.  19a.  This  often  has  the  head  marked  with  the  trembling  cross  similar 
to  that  in  Ezanab,  probably  denoting  that  it 
was  made  of  flint. 

The  arrow,  if  such  it  be  (as  no  bow  is 
found  in  the  Manuscript),  is  generally  figured 
with  the  head  in  this  form  (Fig.  1S&),  indi¬ 
cating,  if  truly  represented,  that  a  flint  was 
thrust  into  the  split  end  of  the  shaft  in  the  usual  way;  the  other  end  of  the 
shaft  was  surrounded  by  two  feather  whirls.  Possibly'  these  are  darts 
thrown  by  hand  and  not  arrows. 

I  have  been  somewhat  surprised  to  find  nothing  in  this  work  indicating 
warfare,  unless  it  be  the  figures  which  I  have  heretofore  interpreted  as 
probably  representing  a  play.  Herrera,  speaking  of  the  expedition  of  Cor¬ 
dova  (Dec.  2,  Bk.  1,  chap.  3),  says  that,  while  at  Cotoche,  “there  appeared 
a  multitude  [of  Indians]  in  armor  made  of  quilted  cotton,  with  targets, 
wooden  swords  having  edges  of  flints,  large  cutlasses,  spears,  and  slings 


Fig.  18. 


THOMAS.  ] 


SYMBOLS  AND  PICTOGRAPHS. 


127 


*  *  *  *  pouring  in  at  the  same  time  such  a  shower  of  stones  and  arrows 
that  they  wounded  fifteen  Spaniards.” 

Bernal  Diaz,  from  whom  Herrera  evidently  quotes,  says:  “These  war¬ 
riors  were  armed  with  thick  coats  of  cotton,  and  carried  besides  their  bows 
and  arrows,  lances,  shields,  and  slings.”1 

Landa  (Relacion  §XXIX)  says  their  offensive  weapons  were  bows  and 
arrows.,  which  they  bore  in  a  quiver,  the  latter  made  of  reeds  and  having 
the  points  armed  with  obsidian  or  fish-teeth,  and  very  sharp.  “They  had 
little  hatchets  of  a  particular  metal,”  heretofore  referred  to,  “which,  in  com¬ 
bat,  served  them  as  an  arm.”  “  They  also  had  lances  a  tois  [fathom]  in 
length,  armed  at  the  end  with  a  silex  head,  very  hard.  And  they  had  no 
other  arms.” 

Figures  in  red,  like  that  shown  in  Fig.  20  (the  little  squares  only  are 
alluded  to),  are  found  in  a  number  of  places  in  the  Manuscript. 

Brasseur  interprets  them  as  symbols  for  cab,  “honey  ”  or  “honey¬ 
comb.”  The  connection  in  which  they  are  found  I  think 
proves  that  he  is  correct.  We  find  elsewhere,  as  in  the  char¬ 
acter  for  Cauac,  and  on  articles  made  of  wood,  a  similar  figure, 
usually  smaller,  outlined  in  black,  but  never  colored.  Attention  will  be 
called  to  this  hereafter. 

A  figure  like  that  shown  in  Fig.  21  is  also  found  on  several  plates 


Fig.  21. 


Fig.  23. 


£2 


Fig.  24. 


of  the  Manuscript,  but  never  in  the  Codex.  Sometimes  it  is  in  the  hands 
of  a  priest,  but  in  a  few  instances  it  seems  to  be  used  as  a  character  or 
symbol.  Brasseur’s  interpretation  is  nen  or  “mirror”;  but  this  I  think  is  a 
mistake.  It  is  more  probable  that  it  is  a  figure  of  the  calendar  wheel  men¬ 
tioned  by  Landa. 

Mortars  used  for  preparing  paints  are  represented  in  two  forms  (see 
Figs.  22  and  23):  their  paint-pots  as  in  Fig.  24. 

On  Plate  XXXIV  we  observe  the  priests  in  the  act  of  painting  blue 
that  which  is  here  shown  (Fig.  25),  which  is  probably  a  little  adoratorio 


Hist. — Keating’s  Transl.  p.  4. 


128 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


baldachin  or  place  in  which  their  idols  were  seated  in  their  temples.  Some¬ 
thing  similar  is  also  found  elsewhere  in  the  same  work. 

Houses,  cabins,  and  other  buildings,  even  temples  in  which  their  idols 
were  placed,  appear  usually  to  be  represented  in  the 
Manuscript  by  such  figures  as  shown  in  cuts  26,  27, 

28,  and  29. 

These,  as  will  be  seen  by  comparison,  are  really 
but  slight  variations  from  theMexican  conventional 
symbol  for  a  house  ( colli ). 

The  side  wall  in  Fig.  29  appears  to  be  com¬ 
posed  of  blocks  of  some 
kind  placed  one  upon 
another,  probably  of 
stone,  each  bearing  the 
Miduc  character.  Mol, 
th  e  r  oo  t  fr  o  m  wh  i  ch  m  o  s  t 
of  the  words  commenc¬ 


ing  with  mol  and  mid 
are  derived,  signifies  “a 


Fig.  26. 


group  of  things  united  or  congregated  one  upon  another,”  but  without  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  material  of  which  they  are  composed.  It  is  true  that  in  this 
house  we  see  the  figure  of  a  bee,  and  might  therefore  suppose  it  represents 
the  place  where  the  hives  were  kept,  but  the  officiating  priest  in  front  leads 

us  to  believe  it  denotes  a  temple  of  some  kind  in 
which  the  ceremonies  of  the  apiarists’  festival  were 
performed.  The  character  at  the  top  of  the  wall 
with  a  cross  in  it,  somewhat  resembling  that  in  the 
symbol  for  Ezancih,  is  very  common  in  these  figures. 
This  probably  marks  the  end  of  the  beam  which 
was  placed  on  the  wall  to  support  the  roof.  I  so 
conclude  because  I  find  that  it  is  wanting  in  the 
lighter  and  temporary  dwellings,  represented  in  Fig.  28.  The  interpreta¬ 
tion  of  the  character  as  here  used  is  doubtful.  The  curved  line  running 
from  this  to  the  top  portion  probably  represents  the  rafter;  the  slender 


Fig.  27. 


THOMAS.] 


HOUSE  SYMBOLS. 


129 


r 


ila» 


thread-like  lines  (yellow  in  the  original)  the  straw  or  grass  with  which  the 
roof  was  thatched. 

The  checkered  part  may  represent  a  matting  of  reeds  or  brushwood, 
on  which  the  straw  was  placed. 

The  following  extract  from  Landa  will  give  an  idea  of  the  form  and 
structure  of  the  ordinary  dwellings  of  the  people  as  seen  by  him: 

“HABITATIONS  OF  THE  MAYAS. 

“The  manner  of  building  the  houses  in  Yucatan  was  to  cover  them 
with  straw,  which  they  had  in  abundance  and  of  good  quality,  or  with 
leaves  of  the  palm  trees,  well  suited  to  this  pur¬ 
pose.  Thy  raised  the  roof,  giving  it  a  consider¬ 
able  pitch,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  rain  could 
not  penetrate  it.  A  wall  was  then  erehted  in 

the  center,  dividing  the 
house  lengthwise,  leaving 
in  this  wall  some  doors 
for  communicating  with 
the  part  which  was  called 
the  back  of  the  house, 
fig. 28.  where  they  had  their 

beds;  the  other  part  was  carefully  whitewashed  with  lime.  In  the  houses  of 
the  nobles  these  walls  were  covered  with  pleasant  pictures.  It  was  in  this 
part  that  they  received  and  lodged  their  guests. 

“This  side  had  no  doors,  but  was  open  the  whole  length  of  the  house, 
the  roof  descending  very  low,  in  order  that  it  might  be  a  shelter  from  the 
sun  and  rain.  It  is  also  said  that  this  was  to  render  himself  master  of  the 
enemy  inside1  in  time  of  necessity. 

“The  common  people  built  at  their  expense  the  houses  of  the  nobles, 
and  as  they  had  no  doors  it  was  regarded  as  a  grave  fault  to  make  the  least 
error  in  the  houses  of  others. 

“They  had  formerly  at  the  back  a  small  door  for  the  use  of  the  com¬ 
mon  people. 


Fig.  29. 


1  The  passage  is  very  difficult  and  the  rendering  doubtful. 


II  M  T 


130 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


“For  sleeping-places  they  had  bedsteads  made  in  a  trellis  of  canes, 
covered  with  mats,  and  on  these  they  stretched  themselves  covered  Avitli 
their  clothes  of  cotton.  During  the  summer  they  usually  slept  on  the  front 
extended  on  their  mats, .  principally  the  men.”1 

What  is  shoAvn  in  Fig.  26  possibly  represents  a  small  wooden  adoratorio, 
niche,  or  canopied  seat,  in  which  we  see  an  idol.  I  judge  the  side  Avail  to 
be  wooden  by  its  form  and  by  the  characters  on  it.  *Tliat  these  characters 
are  used  to  signify  wood,  and  possibly  a  particular  species,  I  think  is  evident 
from  the  following  facts:  Running  through  the  Manuscript  we  first  observe 
them  in  this  figure  on  what  Ave  may  justly  assume  to  be  an  upright  wooden 
beam.  We  see  the  crosses  or  XX  on  what  are  evidently  the  ends  of  beams 
in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  IX;  and  in  another  figure  (Plate  XXII*), 
intended  to  represent  the  same  thing,  Ave  see  on  the  ends  of  the  beams  both 
the  squares  and  crosses.  They  are  also  on  a  tree  in  the  right  of  the  upper 
division  of  Plate  XV*. 

In  the  last-mentioned  figure  Ave  notice  that  the  tree  is  severed  by  a 
machete  or  hatchet  in  the  hands  of  a  priest  representing  the  god  of  death. 
In  the  upper  divisions  of  Plates  XIII  and  XIV  the  same  character  is  on 
the  benches  upon  which  the  personages  are  seated.  The  blocks,  boxes, 
hives,  or  whatever  they  may  be,  in  the  first  division  of  Plate  IX*,  and  the 
blocks  in  the  hands  of  the  individuals  figured  in  the  middle  division  of 
Plate  XXII*  are  marked  Avitli  the  same  character. 

The  widely  different  forms  and  the  diversity  of  uses  to  which  the 
things  bearing  this  character  are  applied  make  it  evident  that  if  the  char¬ 
acter  refers  at  all  to  the  thing  on  Avhich  it  is  placed,  it  must  be  to  the  sub¬ 
stance.  As  it  is  found,  in  some  cases,  on  figures  that  we  know  must  repre¬ 
sent  trees,  the  necessary  conclusion  is  that  it  denotes  wood.  Whether  it  is 
meant  as  a  general  term,  or  applies  to  a  particular  species,  is  a  question  I 
am  unable  to  answer  Avith  certainty. 

I  Avill  call  attention  to  the  character  itself  and  its  probable  interpreta¬ 
tion  a  little  further  on. 

The  houses  shown  in  Plate  XVI*  (see  Fig.  28)  are  probably  the  tem¬ 
porary  cabins  mentioned  by  Landa  in  which  the  artists  manufactured  their 

1  Lancia’s  Relation,  pp.  110  ancl  111;  see  Appendix  No.  4,  where  fhe  original  is  given. 


THOMAS.  J 


HOUSE  SYMBOLS— ROPE-MAKING. 


131 


wooden  idols.  We  observe  that  the  character  with  the  cross  is  wanting,  and 
hence  presume  that  the  walls  were  too  slender  to  bear  the  weight  of  a  beam. 
They  were  probably  built  of  slender  poles  or  of  canes,  as  was  common  in 
Guatemala,  and  covered  perhaps  with  palm-leaves. 

Instead  of  the  figures  at  the  top  always  being  marked  in  the  peculiar 
manner  which  I  have  supposed  to  indicate  matting,  it  is  sometimes  marked 
with  bent  lines,  similar  to  those  on  the  figures  representing  cords  or  ropes. 

On  some  of  the  plates,  as,  for  example,  XIII*  and  XIV*,  the  figure  of 
a  bent  tree  appears  to  be  used  to  denote  a  dwelling  of  some  kind,  possibly 
only  a  temporary  booth.  It  is  true  figures  of  this  kind  are  given  in  a  num¬ 
ber  of  other  places  for  a  very  different  purpose,  as  on  Plates  VIII  to  XIII, 
where  they  are  used  to  represent  the  method  of  capturing  deer;  but  a  little 
examination  will  show  a  marked  difference  between  the  two  kinds. 

If  I  am  correct  in  reference  to  the  houses,  then  it  is  probable  the 
Manuscript  relates  to  a  section  of  country  where  the  dwellings  and  the 
temples  were  of  a  primitive  character. 

But  few  houses  or  dwellings  are  represented  in  the  Dresden  Codex. 
In  the  lower  division  of  Plate  8  there  are  figures  of  two,  one  of  which  is 
copied  in  our  Fig.  30.  These  may  represent  temples  placed 
on  pyramids  or  elevated  platforms  ascending  by  steps,  as  in¬ 
dicated  in  the  figure. 

The  different  forms  of  their  vases 
are  given  in  our  Plates  I-IV  (Ms. 

XX-XXIII). 

The  leg  of  a  deer,  to  which  allusion 
has  already  been  made,  is  shown  by 
the  yellow  figure  with  a  double,  white 


Fig.  30. 


Fig.  31. 


band  and  black  tips  in  the  upper  left-hand  corner  of  the  lower  division  of 
Plate  I  (Ms.  XX). 

The  machine  or  apparatus  used  for,  and  the  method  of  making,  ropes 
or  cords,  is  represented  on  Plate  XI*  and  in  our  Figs.  31  and  32.  The  first 
(Fig.  31)  shows  the  method  of  preparing  the  material.  Strips  of  the  sub¬ 
stance  used,  probably  the  inner  bark  of  some  tree,  or  aloe  fiber,  is  placed 
on  a  bench  of  the  form  shown,  which  has  pieces  extending  upward  from 


132 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


the  sides,  so  as  to  retain  the  strips  in  position.  A  kind  of  hand  hackle  is 
then  used,  as  shown  in  Fig-.  31,  to  slit  them  to  the  proper  fineness.  After 
some  process  not  given,  we  next  find  the  material  rolled  into  a  ball.  The 

next  process,  that  of  twist¬ 
ing  into  the  rope  or  cord, 
is  represented  in  Fig.  32. 

A  few  feet  having  been 
twisted  by  hand,  the  end 
is  fastened  to  a  little  tree 
Fig  32  or  stump,  the  ball  of  ma¬ 

terial  is  placed  in  a  vessel  or  on  a  stool,  while  by  means  of  a  spatula-sliaped 
instrument,  doubtless  of  wood,  the  twisting  is  carried  on.  It  is  probable 
the  implement  is  used  simply  to  turn  the  ball,  while  the  person  at  work 
gradually  moves  backward. 

The  idols,  while  in  the  process  of  manufacture,  are  usually  represented 
by  the  heads  only;  those  not  yet  painted  or  ornamented,  without  any  other 
lines  than  those  necessary  to  show  the  parts  or  organs,  as  in  Fig.  33,  which 
shows  also  the  method  of  carving  (see  Plate  XV*);  those  which  are  painted 

or  ornamented  (Fig.  34). 
One  of  the  implements 
used  by  them  in  carving 
tli  eir  wooden  images,  I 
judge  from  its  form,  as 
shown  in  Fig.  35,  was  me¬ 
tallic. 

Cloth  is  usually  indi¬ 


cated  by  cross-hatching,  as  shown  in  the  dresses  of  the  females  on  Plates 
XVIII*,  XIX*,  and  XX*;  rain  and  falling  water  by  slender,  usually  waved 
blue  lines,  as  on  Plates  XXIV-XXVII.  In  the  third  division  of  Plate 
XX*  the  lines  are  blue,  but  not  waved.  Blood  is  shown  by  slender, 
waved  red  lines,  as  in  the  upper  division  of  Plates  XXII  and  XVIII*. 

A  utensil  or  implement  is  represented  on  Plates  XXI*  and  XXII*  by 
a  fio’ure  similar  to  our  Fig.  3(1,  the  lower  end  always  black,  as  shown  in  the 
figure.  It  was  held  by  the  middle  or  circular  portion,  the  fingers  of  the 


THOMAS.  ] 


IMPLEMENTS  AND  SYMBOLS. 


133 


hand  being  thrust  through  the  hole.  I  am  unable  even  to  surmise  its  use. 
In  four  instances  it  stands  behind  a  priest,  who  is  in  a  squatting  posture  and 
appears  to  be  holding  bread  or  maize  in  his  hand  and  performing  some 
religious  ceremony.  In  two  instances  it  is  in  the  hand 
of  a  priest  clothed  in  black,  and  in  a  similar 
posture,  who  holds  it  in  front  of  him.  In  all 
cases  it  extends  as  high  as  the  top  of  the  head, 
and  the  curved  ends  turn  from  the  person. 

A  very  singular  implement  (Fig.  37)  is 


figured  in  the  third  division  of  Plate  XXIII*. 


Fig.  35. 


It  appears  from  the  figures  in  the  plate  to  FlG-  3G- 
have  been  held,  while  in  use,  in  the  right  hand,  which  grasped  the  hoop 
at  a.  Its  use  can  only  be  guessed  by  the  connection  in  which  it  is  found. 
In  each  case  it  is  held  up  beside  a  tree,  which  appears  to  have  been  sev¬ 
ered  at  the  point  immediately  opposite,  the  top  not  yet  fallen  down.  On 
the  severed  end  of  one  we  see  the  supposed  death  symbol.  From  these  facts 
I  infer  that  it  was  used  as  a  kind  of  saw,  though  it  is  possible  it 
was  employed  in  peeling  the  bark  from  the  trees  used  in  the  manu¬ 
facture  of  their  wooden  idols.  If  used  as  a  saw,  which  I  think 
most  likely,  the  teeth  were  probably  flint  chips,  fastened  to  the 
hoop  by  strings  or  thongs.  A  fact  worthy  of  notice  is  that  the 
figure  immediately  following  (or  preceding)  these  in  the  third  division 
of  Plate  XXIV*  shows  the  use  of  the  machete  in  felling  trees,  but  here  the 
evident  intention  is  to  represent  a  much  larger  tree,  as  shown  by  the  diam¬ 
eter  and  three  branches,  a  tree  also  of  a  different  species. 

An  implement  of  the  form  shown  in  Fig.  38  is  represented  in  the  mid¬ 
dle  division  of  Plate  XXXI*.  As  this  appears  from  the  figure 
in  the  plate  to  be  used  by  the  individual  in  whose  hands  it  is  a 

held  to  sever  the  cord  which  he  also  grasps,  I  pre- 

o-o 


Fig.  37. 


9 - suine  it  is  a  cutting  instrument,  probably  of  flint. 

The  personage  represented  by  the  right-hand  figure  flvo-.  t— 

IG’  '  in  this  division  is  the  god  of  death,  and  the  death  fig.  39. 
symbol  is  in  the  same  compartment;  therefore  it  is  presumable  that  the 


134 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


whole  is  intended  as  a  symbolic  representation  of  death  cutting-  the  thread 
of  human  life. 

On  Plate  XIX*,  and  elsewhere,  the  figures  on  which  the  individuals 
are  seated  are  marked  as  shown  in  our  Fig.  89“  According  to  Brasseur’s 
interpretation  these  signify  “mats.”  In  this  I 
think  he  is  undoubtedly  correct.  lie  asserts  that 
Fig.  39''  also  denotes  a  mat,  but  this  I  think 
doubtful,  as  I  find  it  on  cords,  or  ropes,  and  on 
the  roofs  of  houses;  possibly  in  the  latter  case 
it  may  represent  a  kind  of  matting. 

Prisoners  are  usually  represented  here,  as 
in  the  Mexican  Codices,  with  their  long  hair  in  the  grasp  of  their  captors 
or  executioners. 


Fig.  42. 


Fig.  40,  found  on  Plate  XXV*,  probably  shows  the  form  either  of 
the  bat  used  in  playing-  ball  or  of  a  fan.  Fig. 

41,  copied  from  Plate  XX*,  undoubtedly  repre- 
sents  one  of  their  bird-cages,  as  in  it,  in  the  fig.  43. 
original,  there  is  a  captive  bird.  The  opening  appears  to  have 
been  at  the  bottom.  To  the  top  were  attached  cords,  by  which 
to  carry  it. 

Fig.  42,  found  on  Plate  XXXII*,  and  elsewhere,  I  think 
represents  a  block  of  wood  to  be  used  in  the  manufacture  of 
an  idol  or  some  temple  implement.  fig.  45. 

Fig.  43,  found  frequently  in  the  Manuscript,  is  doubtless  the  leaf 
of  the  mimosa  or  some  similar  plant.  Fig.  44 — see 
Plate  XXIX* — may  possibly  repre¬ 
sent  a  kind  of  tapestry  or  curtain 
hung  over  the  doors  or  openings  of 
the  interior  rooms  of  the  temples. 

The  interlacing  and  the  square  notches 
at  the’  bottom  show  that  it  is  some 
kind  of  cloth. 

Fig.  45,  found  so  frequently  on 


Fig.  44. 


Fig.  46. 


the  heads  of  individuals,  I  think,  as  heretofore  intimated,  is  a  time  symbol 


THOMAS.] 


IMPLEMENTS  AND  SYMBOLS. 


135 


signifying  the  “tying  of  the  years,”  and  hence  a  period,  as  a  luster,  or 
Katun,  or  possibly  the  joining  of  two  years. 

The  conic  figure  (Fig.  46),  always  found  in  the  mouth  of  an  individual, 
I  take  to  be  a  cigar  (chamal).  On  Plate  XXVI*  it  is  represented  with  the 
larger  end  black  at  the  tip,  and  red  behind  this  for  a  short  distance,  which, 
together  with  the  dotted  lines  representing  smoke,  show  that  it  is  on  fire.1 

1  The  figure  is  not  exactly  correct,  as  it  shows  a  narrow  ring  at  the  end  of  the  cigar,  white,  with 
a  broader  black  ring  behind  it.  The  white  ring  should  he  black  and  the  black  ring  simply  shaded  to 
represent  the  red  portion. 


r 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  WRITTEN  CHARACTERS  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT. 

It  is  not  my  intention  at  present  to  enter  into  a  general  discussion  of 
the  ancient  Maya  writings,  as  this  will  be  found  in  the  introduction  by  Dr. 
Brinton.  On  the  contrary,  I  shall  confine  myself  as  strictly  as  possible  to 
an  examination  of  the  characters  found  in  this,  occasional  reference  to  the 
Dresden  Codex  and  the  inscriptions  on  the  ruins  being  made  only  for  com¬ 
parison  and  illustration. 

The  interpretation  of  these  written  characters  is,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
the  chief,  though  not  the  only  object  of  our  research  and  examination. 
Although  my  progress  in  this  direction  has  been  limited,  yet  I  trust  the 
result  will  show  that  I  have  made  some  positive  advance. 

In  discussing  these  characters  there  are  some  preliminary  questions  to 
be  considered,  which,  if  satisfactorily  answered,  may  aid  us  in  the  attempt 
to  decipher  them: 

First.  The  direction  in  which  tli^y  are  to  be  read. 

Second.  The  order  in  which  the  parts  of  the  compound  characters  are 
to  be  taken. 

Third.  Whether  they  are,  in  any  sense,  phonetic. 

THE  DIRECTION  IN  WHICH  THEY  ARE  TO  BE  READ. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  influenced  by  the  direction  in  which  the 
figures  appear  to  be  moving  and  in  which  the  face3  are  turned,  which,  in 
nearly  all  cases,  is  toward  the  left,  concludes  that  the  writing  must  be  read 
by  lines  from  right  to  left,  and  by  columns  from  the  bottom  upward.  His 
attempt  at  deciphering  was  made  upon  this  theory,  which  I  believe  he  sub¬ 
sequently  confessed  to  be  an  error,  although  still  retaining  his  theory  in 
reference  to  a  great  geological  cataclysm. 

Mr.  Bolloert1  followed  the  same  method,  reading  from  the  bottom 
upwards  and  from  right  to  left. 

'Exam,  of  Cent.  Am.  flier.,  p.  306. 


136 


THOMAS  ]  ORDER  IN  WHICH  THE  CHARACTERS  ARB  TO  BE  HEAD.  137 


Dr.  Brinton1  suggested  reading  by  columns,  first  down,  then  up,  com¬ 
mencing  with  the  right-hand  column. 

Rosny  believes  the  characters  should  be  read  from  left  to  right. 

Wilson  believed  the  inscriptions  were  to  be  read  in  columns  from  top 
to  bottom,  and  the  manuscripts  from  left  to  right. 

Mr.  Holden  appears  to  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion,  by  his  method 
of  examination,  that  the  inscriptions  are  to  be  read  from  left  to  right. 

It  is  probable  that  no  conclusion  on  this  point  will  be  entirely  satisfac¬ 
tory  until  the  characters  are  interpreted;  still  I  think  we  can  find  means  of 
determining  it  with  reasonable,  if  not  absolute,  certainty  without  waiting 
for  them  to  be  deciphered. 

The  large  character  at  the  upper  left-hand  corner  of  the  Palenque 
tablet  we  may  safely  assume  is  there  used  much  in  the  same  way  as  we 
use  capital  letters,  and  hence  that  the  inscription  is  to  be  read  either  in 
columns,  from  the  top  downwards,  or  in  lines,  from  left  to  right. 

But  we  find  more  direct  evidence  on  the  point  in  the  Manuscript  itself. 
I  have  shown,  as  I  think  conclusively,  that  the  day  columns,  at  least, 
are  to  be  read  from  the  top  downwards.  The  natural  inference,  therefore, 
would  be  that  the  other  characters  are  to  be  read  in  the  same  way.  But 
there  are  good  reasons  for  believing  that,  although  the  usual  method  of 
writing  was  in  columns,  horizontal  lines  were  by  no  means  uncommon. 
Turning  to  Plate  XIV  (our  Fig.  16)  we  find,  in  the  middle  and  lower  divis¬ 
ions,  a  series  of  columns  composed  of  the  same  characters,  except  the  ones 
at  the  top  and  at  the' bottom.  Three  of  these  columns  may  be  represented 
by  letters,  thus: 


m. 

P- 

V. 

b 

b 

b 

c 

c 

c 

il 

tl 

tl 

7 

12 

9 

f 

Ji 

S 

Aucieut  Pliouct.  Alphabet  of  Yucatan,  p.  (j. 


138 


A  STUDY  OP  TOE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


It  is  hardly  possible  that  this  should  be  read  in  lines,  as  in  this  case 
entire  lines  would  consist  of  a  single  character  repeated.  If  we  suppose 
these  groups  to  be  ritualistic  formulas,  as  they  probably  are,  and  to  be  read 
in  columns,  the  change  in  the  first,  and  last  characters  would  be  consistent 
with  this  idea. 

Turning  to  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XV,  shown  in  Fig.  47,  we  find 


Fig.  47. 


the  characters  arranged  as  here  represented.  Here  are  two  short  columns 
on  the  right  and  two  on  the  left  (day  column  not  counted),  evidently  short¬ 
ened  to  allow  space  for  the  figures  of  deer  which  are  inserted  there. 

Using  letters  to  illustrate,  repeating  those  that  represent  similar  char¬ 
acters,  and  placing  as  in  the  plate,  we  have  this  arrangement.  In  order  to 


make  my  meaning  clear  I  have  used  real  words:  First,  barn;  second,  harp; 


THOMAS.]  ORDER,  IX  WHICH  THE  CHARACTERS  ARE  TO  RE  READ.  139 


third,  lark;  fourth,  mart;  fifth,  wars;  a  corresponding-  with  the  character 
1,  and  r  with  the  character  2. 

In  the  middle  and  lower  divisions  of  Plate  XIX  we 
•  have  also  examples  of  this  method  of  changing-  columns 
into  lines.  As  I  will  have  occasion  to  refer  to  this  plate  for 


Fig.  48. 


140 


A  STUDY  OP  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


other  purposes  the  two  divisions  are  copied  entire  in  Fig.  48.  In  each 
division  (not  counting  the  day  columns)  there  are  four  groups,  each  of  four 
compound  characters,  the  first  and  second  being  alike.  If  we  represent 
them  by  letters,  and  arrange  the  letters  in  the  same  order  as  the  characters, 


h  a 

It 

h  a 

It 

r  lc 

a 

r  lc 

a 

n 

l 

d 

t 

they  would  stand  thus  in  the  middle  division  (the  upper  one  in  our  figure). 
We  see  by  this  that  the  first  and  third  columns  being  shortened  are  changed 
into  two  lines,  just  as  the  first  and  last  in  Fig.  47,  so  that  what  followed 
downwards  in  the  column  follow  from  left  to  right  in  the  lines.  Plates  VI*, 
XI*,  XV*,  and  some  others  furnish  similar  examples. 

Although  we  cannot  claim  that  this  furnishes  absolute  proof  of  the 
direction  in  which  these  lines  and  columns  are  to  be  read,  yet  it  will  proba¬ 
bly  satisfy  any  reasonable  mind  that  the  columns  are  to  be  read  from  the 
top  downwards,  following  each  other  from  left  to  right,  and  that  the  lines 
are  to  be  read  from  left  to  right,  following  each  other  from  the  top  down¬ 
wards;  also  that  the  usual  method  is  in  columns. 

THE  ORDER  IN  WHICH  THE  PARTS  OF  COMPOUND  CHARACTERS  ARE  TO  BE  TAKEN. 

This  and  the  other  question,  “Are  these  characters  in  any  sense  pho¬ 
netic?”  are  so  intimately  connected  that  I  will  not  attempt  to  discuss  them 
separately. 

The  day  and  numeral  characters  have  already  been  given,  and  so  often 
referred  to  that  by  this  time  the  reader  must  be  familiar  with  them.  The 
characters  for  the  months,  as  found  in  Landa’s  work,  have  also  been  given, 
and  it  only  remains  for  us,  therefore,  to  present  Landa’s  hieroglyphics  of 
the  Maya  letters  (Fig.  49)  in  order  that  the  reader  may  have  before  him 
the  entire  key  with  which  we  have  to  work  in  our  attempt  to  decipher  the 
Maya  manuscripts. 

A  comparison  of  the  three  groups  of  characters  (days,  months,  and 


THOMAS.] 


LANDA’S  LETTER  CHARACTERS. 


141 


letters),  using  the  significations  given  by  Landa,  will  suffice  to  convince  any 
one  that  it  is  impossible  to  form  the  day  from  the  letter  characters,  even 
allowing  the  widest  latitude  in  the  representation  of  sounds. 

Take,  for  example,  the  character  for  Muluc ,  as  compared  with  those  for 


S’ 


M 


N 


O 


X 

(dj  or  dz?) 


0-11-0 


u  (?) 


m  and  l;  Ahau,  as 
compared  with  those 
for  a,  h ,  and  u;  Kan , 
as  compared  with  k 
and  n;  Chicchan,  as 
compared  with  c,  h , 
and  n;  Ezanab,  as 
compared  with  e:  z,  n , 
and  b,  &c. 

But  it  does  not 
necessarily  follow 
from  this  that  Landa 
was  wholly  mistaken. 

The  days  may  have 
retained  their  charac¬ 
ters  as  symbols  from 
more  ancient  times, 
before  any  approach 
to  phonetic  elements 
had  been  made,  and  hence  might  not  present  any  of  these  elements. 

As  we  find  some  of  these  day  symbols  on  the  Palenque  Tablet,  which 
is  probably  much  older  than  the  Manuscript,  we  have  some  foundation  for 
this  supposition.  Another  ground  for  this  supposition  is  that  wre  have  good 
reason  for  believing  that  some  at  least  of  these  characters  are  used  in  the 
Manuscript  and  Codex  as  denoting  something  quite  different  from  the  days 
they  represent,  or  that  which  the  name  of  the  day  signifies. 

Notwithstanding  this,  there  are  some  of  the  day  and  month  characters 
in  which  we  can  detect,  beyond  doubt,  some  of  the  letter  elements,  showing 
them  to  be  to  a  certain  degree  at  least  phonetic.  For  example,  the  charac¬ 
ter  for  Cauac  differs  but  slightly  from  that  for  cu  (qu?);  Cliuen  and  Tzec 


HA 


TI 


MA 
(me,  mo?) 

Fig.  49. — Landa’s  Maya  Alphabet. 


n 

Sign  of 
Aspiration. 


142 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


contain  the  main  elements  of  c;  Cimi  (Kimi)  those  of  k;  in  Pop  or  Poop 
(Poob)  we  see  the  character  for  b;  in  Zac ,  both  z  and  cu;  in  Cumhu,  cu  and 
some  elements  of  m ;  in  Kayeb,  k;  &c. 

Comparing  the  days  and  months  witli  each  other,  we  can  occasionally 
detect  similar  elements  where  there  are  similar  sounds.  In  both  Chicchan 
and  Pax  we  see  the  interlacing,  or  cross-hatching,  and  in  both  the  sound 
cli;  in  Manilt  and  Men  the  three  parallel  strokes,  possibly  m  or  n;  we  also 
observe  similar  strokes  in  Ymix. 

After  we  have  carried  this  comparison  to  its  utmost  extent  the  number 
of  cases  where  we  find  such  resemblances  in  form  where  there  is  a  similarity 
in  sound  are  so  few,  compared  with  those  in  which  we  do  not,  that  we  are 
forced  to  abandon,  at  least  to  a  great  extent,  the  attempt  to  decipher  the 
writings  of  the  Manuscript  by  the  use  of  these  letter  characters  upon  the 
theory  that  they  are  phonetic.  I  say  “to  a  great  extent,”  because,  as  we 
have  seen,  there  is  some  evidence  that  phonetic  elements  were  introduced 
to  a  limited  degree. 

I  may  be  permitted  to  remark  in  this  connection  that  in  all  the  attempts 
to  decipher  these  documents  which  have  thus  far  been  made,  one  very 
essential  part  of  Landa’s  statement  has  been  too  lightly  passed  over,  and 
not  sufficiently  considered.  Speaking  of  the  Maya  writing,  he  says:  “The 
people  made  use  of  certain  characters  or  letters  with  which  they  wrote  down 
in  their  books  their  ancient  affairs  and  their  sciences,  and  by  means 
of  these  and  by  certain  figures ,  and  by  particular  signs  in  these  figures , 
they  understood  their  affairs,  made  others  understand  them,  and  taught 
them.”1 

It  is  evident,  as  I  think,  from  this  language  that  Lauda  does  not  wish 
to  convey  the  idea  that  the  native  writing  had  reached  such  a  degree  of  per¬ 
fection  that  by  means  of  phonetic  characters  alone — or,  in  other  words, 
writing  in  the  true  sense — they  could  record  historical  facts  and  communi¬ 
cate  with  each  other.  And  his  attempt  to  give  the  characters  for  their  letter 
sounds  is,  to  a  certain  extent,  a  contradiction  of  his  own  statement.  He  has 
undertaken  to  pick  out  of  their  compound  or  syllabic  characters  the  letter 

1  £;Usavan  tambien  esta  gente  cle  ciertos  carateres  o  letras  con  las  quales  cscrivian  041  sus  libros 
sus  cosas  antiguas,  y  sus  sciencias,  y  con  ellas,  y  tiguras,  y  alguuas  senales  on  las  figuras  entendian  sus 
ccsas,  y  las  da  van  a  enteuder  y  ensenavan.  Lauda,  Relation  cle  Cosas,  p.  31(i. 


THOMAS.  1 


LANDA’S  LETTER  CHARACTERS. 


143 


elements;  lienee  it  is,  that  while  we  find  it  impossible  to  decipher  the  man¬ 
uscripts  by  using-  them,  yet  we  find  such  frequent  resemblances  as  to  com¬ 
pel  us  to  admit  a  fundamental  relationship.  This  theory  I  think  is  borne 
out  by  his  attempt  at  explaining  their  method  of  spelling,  which  does  not 
correspond  with  anything  to  be  found  either  in  the  Troano  Manuscript  or 
the  Dresden  Codex,  nor  with  his  previous  statement,  which  I  have  quoted. 
Moreover,  his  own  language,  taken  in  connection  with  his  alphabet,  implies 
that  the  natives  with  whom  he  was  consulting  found  it  impossible  to  recom¬ 
bine  the  elements  he  had  picked  out  so  as  to  form  words. 

This  I  believe  to  be  the  true  explanation  of  his  letter  characters  and 
the  only  one  that  will  enable  us  to  understand  why  it  is  impossible  to  read 
the  manuscripts  by  means  of  them,  and  yet  finding  them  so  often  agreeing 
with  the  characters  we  meet  with  in  these  works. 

The  day-characters  we  know  he  found  in  their  books,  as  we  see  abun¬ 
dant  evidence  of  this  in  those  yet  in  existence. 

Although  the  month-characters  appear  to  be  wanting  in  the  Troano 
Manuscript  they  are  to  be  found  repeatedly  in  the  Dresden  Codex,  not 
always  in  the  form  given  by  Landa,  yet  substantially  the  same,  and  accom¬ 
panied  by  numerals  or  other  particulars  by  which  we  can  readily  determine 
them.  We  have,  then,  as  our  only  positive  guide  to  start  with,  in  our 
attempts  at  deciphering  the  written  characters  of  the  Maya  manuscripts,  the 
day  and  month  symbols,  and  with  no  assurance  that  these  are  phonetic. 

If  there  are  any  phonetic  elements  in  this  writing  they  must  be  discov¬ 
ered  with  but  little  reliance  on  Landa’s  letter  characters. 

As  it  is  extremely  doubtful  whether  the  day  and  month  characters  in 
all  cases  correspond  with  the  modern  names  applied  to  them,  we  must  bring 
every  other  possible  test  to  bear  in  determining  the  meaning  and  corre¬ 
sponding  word.  We  have  also  to  proceed  upon  the  assumption  that  the 
language  of  the  Manuscript  is  the  same  as  that  found  in  the  Maya  lexicons 
which  have  been  given  to  the  world,  when  it  is  possible  that  it  is  in  a  dialect 
of  the  Maya  varying  from  that  in  the  lexicons. 

As  the  safest  basis  on  which  to  found  my  arguments,  I  select  a  few 
characters,  the  meaning  of  which,  I  think,  can  be  ascertained  with  satis¬ 
factory  certainty  without  having  to  decide  whether  they  are  phonetic  or  not. 


144 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


This  character  (Fig.  50)  has  already  been  referred  to  as  occurring  on 
Plates  AX— XXIII  of  the  Manuscript  and  25-28  of  the  Codex,  and  as  being 
used  to  denote  the  “stone  heap”  on  which  the  Uayeb  idols 
were  placed.  The  reasons  given  for  this  belief  I  think  warrant 
me  in  assuming  it  to  be  correct.  Referring  to  the  Lexicon  we 
find  that  piz  signifies  “a  stone  serving  to  form  the  divisions  in  a 
Katun  or  cycle”;  ppic,  “stones  placed  one  upon  another,  serving 
to  count  the  intervals  in  a  cycle”;  ppiz,  “a  stone  on  a  fishing  line,”  and 
tun,  stone  in  a  general  sense.  As  the  connection  in  which  it  is  found  relates 
to  the  end  and  commencement  of  periods  of  time,  I  take  for  granted  that 
if  it  represents  a  word  it  is  either  the  first  {piz)  or  second  {ppic). 

This  combination  (Fig.  51)  found  on  the  back  of  the  spotted  dog 
in  Plate  XXI,  appears  from  Lauda’s  statement,  as  already  shown,  to 
represent  “bread  of  maize.”  The  usual  form  of  the  combination, 
Fig.  5i.  which  is  found  very  often,  is  given  in  Fig.  52,  but  the  order  in  which 
the  characters  are  placed  is  frequently  the  reverse  of  that  given  in  the  figure. 

I  think  I  have  presented 
good  reasons  for  believing 
that  the  characters  shown  in 


Fig.  53  are  used  to  denote 
FlG- 52-  fig.  53.  “east”  and  “west.”  The  one 

marked  a  I  have  concluded  denotes  East — in  Maya  likin  or  lakin;  the  one 
marked  b,  West — chikin.  Whether  this  conclusion  be  correct  or  not,  I  think 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  one  denotes  one  of  these  cardinal  points,  and  the 
other  the  other  cardinal  point.  This  being  admitted, 
we  are  not  left  in  doubt  as  to  the  signifi¬ 
cation  of  the  lower  part  of  these  compound 
characters,  as  it  must  be  the  hieroglyph 
for  kin,  “sun”  or  “day.” 

The  characters  for  the  other  cardinal  points — north  and  south — 
fig.  55.  ai.e  gjygn  pi  Fig.  54.  As  there  is  yet  some  doubt  as  to  their  assign¬ 
ment  I  pass  them  for  the  present,  allowing  the  conclusion  heretofore  reached 
in  reference  to  them  to  stand. 

The  character  shown  in  Fig.  55,  when  placed  on  a  figure,  denotes, 


Fig.  54. 


THOMAS.] 


EXPLANATION  OF  SYMBOLS  AND  CHARACTERS. 


145 


sometimes  at  least,  chey  “wood”  in  a  general  sense,  or  some  particular  kind 
of  wood. 

As  the  character  shown  in  Fig.  56  is  placed  on  spear-heads,  evidently 
for  the  purpose  of  indicating  the  substance  of  which  they  are  composed,  or 
the  character  of  the  substance,  it  must  signify  “silex,” 


Fig.  59. 


or  hardness,  as  contrasted  with  the  wood  or  material  of 
fig.  56.  which  the  shaft  was  composed.  Whether  JEzanab  was 
the  Maya  word  denoted,  is  not  certain.  fig.  57. 

Fig.  57  is  found  but  once  in  the  Manuscript — in  the  upper  division  of 
Plate  IX.  As  it  is  above  the  figure  of  an  armadillo,  I  presume  it  is  the 
symbol  used  to  denote  that  animal,  and  .lienee  that  it  is  not  phonetic. 

Fig.  58  is  on  the  neck  of  most  of  the  vases  figured  in  the  work. 
(T^TCQJTt)  Although  very  common  in  the  written  portion  as 
Fig.  58.  a  prefix  or  suffix  to  other  characters — as  shown 
in  Fig.  59,  where  it  is  probably  used  as  a  pronoun  or  article — 
when  found  on  these  vessels  I  take  for  granted  that  it  is  the 
hieroglyph  for  u,  the  Maya  word  for  “vase,”  as  also  for  “month”  and  cer¬ 
tain  pronouns. 

Using  these,  together  with  the  day  and  month  characters  as  a  key,  I 
will  proceed  to  discuss  the  nature  of  the  written  characters,  in  order  to 
decide,  if  possible,  whether  they  are  phonetic,  and,  if  so,  to  what  extent. 
That  some  of  them  are  but  symbols,  as,  for  example,  that  shown  in  Fig. 
57,  cannot  be  doubted.  It  is  also  quite  probable,  as  will  appear  in  the 
course  bf  our  discussion,  that  a  few  are  simple  pictographs. 

As  the  one  shown  in  Fig.  50  is,  in  one  form  or  another,  of  frequent 
occurrence  in  both  works,  let  us  compare  these  on  the  supposition  that  they 
are  in  some  degree  phonetic,  and  see  what  the  result  will  be. 
Comparing  with  Landa’s  character  for  the  month 

e>r 

Pax  (Fig.  60),  we  observe  here  the  two  broad  perpen- 
dicular  bars,  but  in  addition  thereto  three  little  rings,  FlG<  6h 
or  ovals,  at  the  bottom,  and  a  cross-hatched  appendage  at  the  left.  The 
bars,  it  is  true,  are  not  solid  here,  but,  as  will  be  presently  seen,  this  differ¬ 
ence  does  not  appear  to  indicate  a  difference  in  the  signification. 

10  M  T 


Fig.  60. 


146 


4  STUDY  OF  TILE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


On  Plate  70  of  the  Codex  the  character  shown  in  Fig.  61  occurs,  accom¬ 
panied,  as  here  indicated,  by  the  numeral  character  for  “thirteen”  in  black. 
There  is  little,  if  any,  room  to  doubt  that  this  is  here  used  to  denote  the  . 
month  Pax.  As  it  bears  no  resemblance  to  any  of  the  day  characters,  the 
accompanying  numerals  would  certainly  lead  us  to  believe  it  denoted  one 
of  the  months,  and,  if  so,  the  one  named.  Another  reason  for  this  belief 
is  that  on  the  same  plate — in  fact,  in  the  next  line — are  the  characters  for 
Cumhu  and  Yaxkin,  each  accompanied  by  numerals.  But  in  this  case,  that 


for  the  former  (Cumhu)  is  given  thus:  and  that  for  Yaxkin  thus: 

Iliy  ,  omitting  the  appendage  added  by  Landa.  Turning  to  Plate  69  of 


the  same  work,  we  observe  what  appears  to  be  the  same  character  in  the 
form  shown  in  Fig.  62.  Another  similar  tigure  on  the  same  plate  has  the 
little  upper  circle  cross-hatched,  but  this  is  unaccompanied 
by  numerals,  though  there  is  another  by  the  side  of  it  as  in 
Fig.  63.  In  the  same  column  we  can  detect  without  doubt 
fig.  62.  ^he  characters  for  the  months  Yaxkin,  Poop,  and  Mac.  FlG' G3' 
On  Plates  VII*,  IX*,  and  XIX*  of  the  Manuscript,  what  appears  to 
be  the  same  symbol  occurs  in  the  form  shown  in  Fig.  64,  with  the  numeral 
character  for  live  annexed  in  two  cases  (Plates  VII*  and  IX*). 
In  one  instance  four  bars  are  distinctly  shown,  but  in  the  one 
on  Plate  IX*  the  bar  to  the  right  is  solid ;  the  one  on  Plate 
VII*  is  as  represented  in  Fig.  64,  proving,  as  I  think,  that  this 
difference  has  no  material  significance.  Can  this  be  used  here  as  the  sym¬ 
bol  of  the  month?  If  so,  it  is  the  only  month  symbol  I  have  been  able  to 
detect  in  the  Manuscript.  The  inference  is  therefore  strongly  against  this 
assumption.  The  first  two  (Plates  VII*  and  IX*)  occur  in  that  part  of  the 
Manuscript  which,  according  to  my  interpretation,  relates  to  the  festival  of 
the  Bee-keepers,  and  in  the  middle  division,  along  the  lower  margin  of 
which  we  see  what  are  evidently  intended  to  denote  offerings.  Among 
them  in  one  place  immediately  below  the  character  there  are  two  groups, 
one  of  three  and  the  other  of  two  red  Ivans  in  vases;  in  another  place  the 
leg  of  a  deer.  We  also  find  the  figure  of  a  deer’s  leg  in  immediate  con¬ 
nection  with  our  character  on  Plate  VII*.  The  Maya  name  for  a  tortilla 


Fig.  64. 


THOMAS.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  CHARACTERS. 


147 


of  maize  is  pecuah  (according  to  Perez),  or  ppecuah  (according  to  Brasseur). 
May  we  not,  therefore,  with  strong  probability  of  being  correct,  interpret 
this  character  as  above  given — “five  tortillas  of  maize” — supposing  it  to 
refer  to  an  offering?  If  so,  then  we  have  three  characters,  denoting  the 
three  words  ppec  or  pec ,  Pax,  and  pecuah  or  ppecuali,  in  which  the  double 
bars  occur,  which  doubtless  represent  the  labial  element  p,  or  pp,  if  they  are 
phonetic.  It  is  worthy  of  notice,  in  this  connection,  that  pacach ,  according 
to  Perez,  also  signifies  “a  tortilla  of  maize,”  and  pakach,  “to  make  tor¬ 
tillas  of  maize.”  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  pecuah,  when  spoken,  termi¬ 
nated  with  the  sound  of  ch. 

Turning  to  Plate  XXXI,  first  and  second  divisions,  where  the  method 
of  planting  maize  is  indicated,  we  find  this  character  (Fig.  65)  forming  a 
part  of  the  head-dress  worn.  As  I  have  already  suggested, 
this  is  probably  the  hieroglyph  for  the  Maya  ppoc,  “hat” 
fig.  65.  or  “head-covering.” 

Assuming  that  I  -am  correct  in  these  interpretations,  we  have  then  the 
characters  for  four  words — ppec  or  pec ,  Pax,  pecuah  or  ppecuah,  and  pp'oc — 
in  which  the  two  perpendicular  bars  occur,  which,  in  all  probability, 
represent  the  labial  element  p  or  pp,  if  they  are  phonetic.  The  typical 
form  of  the  whole  character  probably  represents  the  syllable  p'c  or  p'ch. 

Fig.  66  represents  the  interlaced  or  cross-hatched  character. 

The  character  for  Chicchan,  as  given  by  Landa,  is  represented  in  Fig.  67. 
In  the  Manuscript,  it  is  most  frequently  of  the  form  shown  in  Fig.  68. 
These,  as  will  be  seen,  consist  of  two  parts,  the  check¬ 
ered  portion  and  the  loops  or  blocks,  and  the  word  of 
two  principal  phonetic  elements,  ch  and  n.  fig.  68. 

Referring  again  to  the  symbol  for  Pax  (or  Pash,  as  the  Maya  x  has  the 
sound  of  sh,  or  ch,  in  machine),  we  see  that  the  checkered  portion  is  at  the 
left,  while  in  that  for  Chicchan  it  is  at  the  right.  As  ch  is  the  only  phonetic 
element  common  to  both  words,  and  the  cross-hatching  the  only  portion 
common  to  both  figures,  we  may  assume  as  probable  that  this  character 
represents  the  hissing,  or  ch,  sound  of  the  two  words.  Turning  now  to  the 
Maya  lexicon,  we  find  that  chichan  signifies  “little,”  “slender,”  “thin,”  &c.; 
tzi,  which  has  a  slightly  harder  hissing  sound,  signifies  “anything  that  is 


Fig.  67. 


148 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


very  little,  slender,  thin,  or  slim”;  fail,  “divided,  separated,  torn,  rent,” 
&c.;  tzulche ,  “trellis,  lattice-work,  barred,”  &c.;  trie,  “to  part,  cut,  divide,” 
&c.;  tzack ,  “to  cut  fine,  to  hash,”  &c;  dzil,  “to  work  mosaic,  to  weave, 
plait,”  &c.;  all  of  which  are  words  that  have  the  hissing  sound  as  their 
chief  phonetic  element. 

On  Plates  II,  III,  VI,  and  elsewhere  we  see  the  figure  of  the  red- 
moutlied  god,  which  we  can  scarcely  doubt  is  CJdcchac-chob.  On  the  head¬ 
dress  in  the  three  plates  designated  is  this  same  interlaced  figure. 

On  Plate  XXV,  lower  division,  is  the  figure  of  a  serpent  with  rattles, 
to  which  allusion  has  heretofore  been  made,  which  is  marked  with  checkered 
or  cross-hatched  spots;  tzabcan ,  in  Maya,  signifies  “a  serpent  with  rattles”; 
see  also  the  serpent  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate  V.  We  also  see  that  the 
apron,  and  appendage  hanging  between  the  limbs,  is  marked  in  the  same 
way,  possibly  denoting,  as  heretofore  suggested,  zihil,  “birth,”  as  the  design 
appears  to  be  to  symbolize  the  birth  of  the  storm-cloud. 

I  suggest  as  possible  that  the  characters  in  the  hand  of  the  left  figure, 
upper  division,  Plate  XXX*,  one  of  which  is  the  reticulated  figure,  the 
other  that  of  Cauac,  may  denote  canche,  the  cultivated 


Fig.  70. 


cocoanut.  One  reason  for  this  supposition  is  that  the 
figure  in  the  other  hand  (Fig.  G 9)  appears  to  be  the 
FlG' 69'  hieroglyphic  for  omal,  “bread,”  especially  a  certain 
kind  of  flat  tortilla,  used  in  sacrificial  offerings. 

In  the  middle  and  lower  divisions  of  Plate  XIX  we  find  the  character 
shown  in  Fig.  70,  occurring  several  times. 

The  figures  in  the  spaces  appear  to  be  grinding  paint  in  stone  and 
earthenware  mortars.  The  pestle  is  straight,  rather  slender,  and  cylindri¬ 
cal  in  form,  and  is  grasped  by  both  hands.  I  venture  the  suggestion  that 
the  circle  of  dots  with  the  little  oval  in  the  center,  indicates  that  the  pestle 
is  to  be  turned  or  whirled  round,  and  the  changed  direction  of  the  curves 
denotes  to  the  right  and  left,  or  first  one  way  and  then  the  other.  The 
cross-hatching  indicates  a  word  with  the  sound  of  ch,tz ,  or  z.  As  tending 
to  confirm  this  suggestion,  we  find,  by  reference  to  the  Maya  lexicon,  that 
dzic  and  dzical  (adjectives)  signify  “left,”  and  dziical,  “left  hand.”  (See 
Fig.  48,  p.  139.) 


THOMAS.  J 


INTERPRETATION  OF  CHARACTERS. 


149 


Fig.  71. 


Referring  to  Plate  XXIII*,  we  find  in  the  middle  compartment  of  the 
upper  division  the  figure  and  characters  represented  in  Fig.  71. 

The  lower  line  of  the  inscription  over  the 
figure  consists  of  three  characters,  which  I  interpret 
as  follows: 

Cliehzic  u  cahal:  “Consumes  (or  destroys)  his 
(or  the)  dwelling.” 

The  eye  and  snout  in  the  left-hand  character, 
translated  “consumes,”  I  presume  imply  that  this  is 
done  by  the  Chac.  The  parts  of  this  compound  char¬ 
acter  are  taken  in  the  same  order  as  the  others  here¬ 
tofore  interpreted;  that  is,  from  right  to  left;  those  of 
the  third,  translated  “dwelling,”  from  below  upwards. 

It  is  possible  that  the  left-hand  character  should 
be  rendered  zatzic ,  which  has  the  same  signification  as  cliehzic ,  and  also 
has  the  two  hissing  sounds,  indicated  by  the  interlaced  portion. 

If  I  am  correct  in  my  rendering  of  the  right-hand  character,  it  will 
probably  enable  us  to  determine  this  one  (Fig.  72),  which  is  often  used  in 
the  Manuscript.  I  suggest  okoltba ,  “  prayer,”  and,  with  the  nu¬ 
meral,  “three  prayers.”  But  it  is  possible  that  the  true  render¬ 
ing  is  ocol  which,  according  to  Perez,  signifies,  when  joined  to 
a  number,  the  course  or  order,  as  of  priesthood.  Fig-  72- 

AdojDting  these  suggestions,  we  would  translate  the  characters  in  the 
upper  right-hand  corner  of  the  middle  division,  Plate 
VII*,  Fig.  73,  thus: 

a.  b.  c.  d. 

5  ppecuah  oJcoltba  hau  (?) 

“Five  tortillas  of  maize,  three  prayers,  the  leg  of  a  <7 
deer,  ?”,  or,  “Five  tortillas  of  maize,  the  third  priest 
(or  priest  of  the  third  order?),  the  leg  of  a  deer.”  I  fig.  73- 

prefer  the  first  rendering,  as  the  character  marked  h  frequently  occurs 
without  the  numeral  where  the  second  interpretation  would  not  apply. 

Fig.  74,  which  is  precisely  like  that  for  Caban  as  usually  given  in 
the  Manuscript,  is  found  on  several  plates  and  also  frequently  in  the 


150 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TBOANO. 


Codex;  sometimes  on  the  bench  or  form  on  which  persons  are  seated  or 
lying— see  Plates  XXXII,  XXXIII,  XXV*,  XXXIV*,  &c.;  on  the  blocks  or 
square  figures  on  Plates  II*  to  X*  which  relate  to  the  festival  of  the  apia¬ 
rists;  on  the  foundation  or  substance 
out  of  which  plants  and  vines  arise, 
as  on  Plates  XXXII  and  XXXIII; 
and  as  a  character  into  which  the  ma¬ 
chete  or  hatchet  is  thrust  (Plate  XXIV*).  In  the  Codex  it  is  found  on  the 
wall  and  base  of  what  appears  to  be  a  kind  of  house,  or  a  niche  in  a  temple 
(Plates  £0  and  67);  on  seats  or  benches,  and  in  one  instance  on  something 
laid  on  a  pyramidal  altar,  on  which  a  human  head  is  placed,  having  the 
“dead  eye,”  as  though  representing  the  act  of  cremation.  It  is  evident 
that  no  one  substance  can  be  indicated  in  all  these  places. 

On  the  plates  relating  to  the  bee-keepers’  festival,  where  it  is  figured 
thus  (Fig.  75),  as  on  Plate  VIII*,  the  block  or  vessel  is  red,  or  marked  with 

a  red  border,  is  suspended  by  cords,  and  a  bee  is 
placed  across  it.  Here  it  is  probable  that  it  should 
be  interpreted  cab,  “honey,”  or  cabnal,  “bee-hive.” 
But  this  explanation  will  not  answer  in  one  out  of 
a  hundred  of  the  other  places  where  it  is  used. 

Where  it  marks  the  substance  out  of  which 
plants  arise,  as  on  Plates  XXXII  and  XXXIII,  it 
is  probably  used  to  signify  the  earth  or  soil.  We  find  by  reference  to  the 
lexicons  that  cab  has  also  as  one  of  its  significations  “earth”  or  “soil,”  and 
that  cabal  signifies  “at  the  foot,”  ‘tat  the  foundation,”  “at  or  on  the  ground,” 
&c.  This  will  furnish  explanation  of  all  those  cases  where  “earth,”  “ground,” 
or  “soil”  is  applicable,  or  where  it  is  on  that  out  of  which  plants  grow,  and 
on  which  persons  are  seated  or  lying.  In  the  lower  division  of  Plate 
XXXII  are  the  figures  of  four  seats  or  forms  similar  in  outline  to  that 
shown  at  a,  Fig.  74,;  two  are  marked  with  the  character  interpreted  ppec, 
or  “stone,”  and  two  with  the  character  represented  at  a,  Fig.  74.  If  two 
are  stone,  as  we  have  good  reason  for  believing,  the  others  must  be  wood 
or  earth.  The  fact  that  persons  are  represented  lying  down  at  full  length 


TII0MA8.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  CHARACTERS. 


151 


Fig.  76. 


upon  this  character  furnishes  a  strong  reason  for  believing  it  should  in  such 
cases  be  rendered  “earth.” 

Turning  to  Plate  XXIV*,  we  observe,  in  the  third  division,  the  figure 
of  a  large  brown  tree,  and  a  person  standing  by  with  hatchet  in  hand 
in  the  act  of  cutting;  in  the  inscription  immediately  above  is  Fig.  76. 
There  can  be  little,  if  any,  doubt  that  this  refers  to  cutting  into  the 
tree.  The  Caban  character  may  signify  a  particular  species, 
but  I  think  it  more  than  probable  the  word  denoted  is  cabal ,  “at 
the  foot  or  base,”  “at  the  ground”;  and  that  the  proper  rendering 
is„“cut  with  a  hatchet  at  the  base,”  or  “at  the  ground.”  The  cut 
or  opening  at  the  base  of  the  brown  tree  appears  to  correspond  with  this 
interpretation,  especially  as  the  tree  to  the  right  in  the  same  division  is 
severed  at  a  short  distance  above  the  base. 

If  my  rendering  of  this  character,  in  the  different  uses  to  which  it  is 
applied,  be  correct,  it  must  be  to  some  extent  at  least  phonetic. 

On  the  wall  and  base  of  the  dwelling,  or  whatsoever  it  may  be,  on 
Plate  (30)  of  the  Codex,  it  is  probably  used  to  denote  that  it  is  earthen, 
or  plastered. 

This  character  is  closely  allied  to  the  symbol  for  the  day  Cib  (Kib), 
which  is  usually  given  thus  in  the  Manuscript  (Fig.  77).  In 
each  of  the  words  we  have  the  sound  of  k  and  b,  but  one  of  the 
characters  has  a  line  of  dots  that  is  wanting  in  the  other.  The 
inner  line  and  the  little  cross -marks  usually  found  in  Cib  Fig-  77 • 
in  the  Manuscript,  and  represented  in  Fig.  77,  do  not  appear  to  be 
essential. 

The  character  represented  in  Fig.  78  occurs  in  the  middle 
division  of  Plate  V. 

As  the  figures  in  the  spaces  probably  represent  traveling  Fro.  78. 
merchants,  it  is  possible  that  this  should  be  rendered  u  beom — the  “traveler” 
or  “merchant.” 

The  third  division  of  Plate  XXIX  (the  lower  of  the  two  shown  in 
Fig.  79),  is  divided  into  four  compartments,  each  with  its  figure  and 
superscription,  the  latter  consisting  of  four  compound  characters  in  each 


<S| 


152 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


case.  Commencing-  with  the  upper  extreme  left-hand  character,  let  us 


Fig.  79. 

complete  it  (as  the  lower  part — the  loop — appears  to  be  imperfect)  thus: 

This  will  make  the  whole  character  the  same  as  the  third  and 

t 

fourth  to  the  right  in  the  same  line.  The  order  in  which  they  are  to  be 
taken  I  presume  is  as  follows:  First,  the  upper  line  over  one  figure,  from 
left  to  right,  then  the  next  line  below  in  the  same  order;  next,  the  group 
over  the  next  figure  in  the  same  way;  and  so  on,  counting  the  groups  from 
left  to  right. 

We  observe  that  the  lower  left-hand  character  of  the  first  or  left-hand 
group  is  the  head  of  a  bird,  and  also  that  a  bird  is  in  the  figure  below;  that 
the  lower  right-hand  compound  character  also  contains  a  distorted  head, 


THOMAS.] 


INTEEPEETATIQN  OF  OITA  R, AC, TERR. 


153 


somewhat  human  in  appearance,  but  which  may  be  intended  to  denote  the 
quadruped  in  the  figure  below ;  that  the  lower  right-hand  character  of  the 
third  group,  although  showing  teeth,  may  be  intended  as  the  symbol  of  the 
worm-like  figure  beneath. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  and  also  of  the  additional  facts  that  the  right- 
hand  group  contains  no  animal  head,  nor  is  there  below  the  figure  of  any 
animal,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  these  three  heads  are  but  symbols  of 
the  animals  below  them.  We  also  observe  that  the  figures  are  placed  on 
Caban  characters,  and  that  each  group  of  the  superscription  contains  a 
Caban  character,  all  doubtless  having  reference  here  to  the  earth  or  soil. 
If  the  figures  with  the  two-colored  face  denote  growing  maize,  as  the 
attacks  of  the  bird  and  quadruped  indicate,  we  then  have  strong  reasons 
for  believing  that  the  characters  refer  to  the  figures  beneath  them.  I  may 
also  add  here,  what  is  stated  elsewhere,  that  as  a  rule  animals,  persons,  and 
deities,  or  at  least  idols,  appear  to  be  generally  represented  among  the 
characters  by  the  head;  hence  such  characters  cannot  be  phonetic. 

A  study  of  the  two  groups  similarly  arranged  on  the  right  of  the  lower 
division  of  Plate  III*  satisfies  me  that  they  relate  to  the  method  of  dealing 
with  a  swelling  on  the  hand,  caused  probably  by  the  sting  of  a  bee  or  some 
other  insect,  or  the  bite  of  a  serpent  (observe  the  serpent’s  head  on  the 
figure  below).  We  see  here  the  figure  of  a  hand  in  two  places,  and  on 
each  a  protuberance  or  swelling  distinctly  marked  (Fig.  80.)  By 
the  side  of  each  is  Fig.  81,  which  ^ 


Maya  words  u-mo,  “a  swelling  of  fjg.  so. 


is  probably  the  hieroglyph  for  the 


p 

Fig.  81.  Fig.  82. 

the  flesh,”  or  “tumor.”  The  next  character  in  order  is  the  one  shown  in 
Fig.  82,  which  may  be  interpreted  u-cab-poc,  “bathe  or  wash  it  with  honey.” 
The  character  in  the  hand  of  the 
figure  immediately  under  the  in¬ 
scription  appears  to  agree  with  this 

interpretation  (see  Fig.  83):  Cab-  FlG- B3>  iio.  84. 

men  ( min  or  mon).  Min  signifies  that  which  diminishes  or  causes  to  grow 
less;  mon,  the  same;  and  moncab  (same  as  momcab ),  a  cooling  or  soothing 


Fig.  85. 


154 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


wash1  The  hand  here  figured  I  take  to  be  simply  a  pictorial  repre¬ 
sentation. 

The  characters  in  the  right-hand  compartment  of  the  middle  division 
of  the  same  plate,  I  think  probably  relate  to  the  offerings  of  honey  and 
tortillas  for  the  dead. 


Aoio/'n,,  C o MX 


Fig.  86. 

The  character  represented  in  Fig.  84,  found  so  frequently  on  Plates  I* 
to  X*  and  elsewhere,  may  denote  pieces  of  honey-comb,  or  a  kind  of  drink 
made  of  honey,  as  Brasseur  says  (note  in  Lauda’s  Relacion),  “honey  that 
has  passed  into  the  state  of  liydromel,  which  was  their  ordinary  wine.” 

1 1  follow,  in  most  cases,  tlie  interpretation  given  by  Brasseur  in  his  Maya  lexicon,  and  make  no 
attempt  to  give  oblique  forms,  as  my  knowledge  of  the  Maya  language  is  too  limited  for  this. 


THOMAS.! 


INTERPRETATION  OF  CHARACTERS. 


155 


As  heretofore  stated,  I  have  concluded  that  Fig1.  85  signifies  lilcin, 
“east,”  “eastward,”  “at  or  toward  the  east”;  literally  “the  rising  sun.” 
If  this  is  correct,  then,  as  before  intimated,  the  lower  character  with  the 
alar  appendage  must  represent  the  latter  syllable  kin,  “sun”  or  “day” ; 
and  the  upper,  the  first,  li,  derived  from  likil,  “to  arise,”  “to  be  lifted  up 
or  elevated.” 

Turning  to  Plate  XX*  we  see  in  the  third  division  the  figures  of  four 
females,  each  apparently  engaged  in  sprinkling  water  on  a  child  in  front  of 
her  (Fig.  86).  Above  them  are  two  rows  of  characters,  apparently  grouped 
by  fours  (counting  each  compound  character  as  one),  two  of  the  upper  and 
two  of  the  lower  line  to  each  female  figure.  In  the  first  group  to  the  left 
is  the  character  I  have  heretofore  interpreted  as  signifying  west;  immedi¬ 
ately  to  the  right  of  it,  in  the  same  group,  is  this  character  (Fig.  87).  In 
the  second  group  is  the  character  heretofore  interpreted  as  signi¬ 
fying  north,  but  with  an  arm-like  appendage;  immediately  below 
it,  in  the  same  group,  is  the  character  shown  in  Fig.  87;  the  third 
group  has  the  character  for  east  and  this  also;  and  the  fourth  or  FlG-  87 ■ 
last  group  to  the  right  the  same  character  (Fig.  87),  and  that  heretofore 
interpreted  as  denoting  south. 

As  we  find  the  same  character  in  Fig.  87  as  in  Fig.  85,  we  may  assume 
it  stands  for  the  same  sound,  li,  and  accepting  Brasseur’s  interpretation  of 
the  lower  left-hand  character  as  signifying  ha  or  haa,  “water,”  and  the  added 
character  to  the  right  as  Landa’s  i,  we  have  li-ha-i  or  lila-i,  “to  sprinkle  the 
child  with  water,”  Vila  meaning  “to  sprinkle  with  water,”  and  i  child.  As 
lil  signifies  “to  shake,”  “to  toss,”  &c.,  a  better  rendering  may  be  haa-lil  i, 
“the  water  shake  (or  dash)  on  the  child.” 

Commencing  with  the  left-hand  group  and  taking  the  four  characters 
in  the  order  heretofore  adopted,  the  upper  two  from  left  to  right  and  then 
the  lower  two  in  the  same  way,  and  taking  the  groups  from  left  to  right,  I 
obtain  the  following  result: 

First  group:  “Toward  the  west;  sprinkle  water  on  the  child ;  ( - ?); 

tortillas.” 

Second  group:  “Toward  the  north;  ( - ?);  sprinkle  water  on  the 

child;  ( - ?).” 


156 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


Third  group:  “Toward  the  east;  sprinkle  water  on  the  child;  ( - ?); 

tortillas.” 

Fourth  group:  “Toward  the  south,  ( icliintzah )  give  a  bath;  ( - ?); 

sprinkling  water  on  the  child.” 

This  character  (Fig.  88),  found  in  the  first,  second,  and  fourth  groups, 
I  am  unable  to  interpret.  The  larger  right-hand  portion  may  be  a  variant 
of  cldcchan ,  and  the  whole  stand  for  the  words  a  or  u 

chichan,  “a  little,”  or  ha-chen,  “water  from  the  senote 

* 

or  well  ” 

FlG-  8S-  The  third  character  in  the  third  group  (Fig.  89)  FlG’  89' 

is  also  one  I  have  been  unable  to  interpret.  The  smaller  figures  to  the  left 
may  possibly  denote  the  words  cci-clmc ,  “a  cuff”  or  “blow.”  The  peculiar 
eye  in  the  right  portion  I  think  refers  to  some  particular  deity. 

I  am  aware  that  this  interpretation  of  these  groups  hangs  on  a  very 
slender  thread  which,  if  broken,  lets  the  whole  thing  fall  to  the  ground,  and 
hence  have  given  it  with  a  feeling  of  considerable  doubt.  But  the  four 
similar  figures  and  the  symbols  of  the  cardinal  points  agree  very  well  with 
this  conclusion. 

As  I  have  already  intimated,  there  are  good  reasons  for  believing  that 
the  compound  character  shown  in  Fig.  90  denotes  “bread  of  maize”  or 
“corn  bread.”  As  will  be  seen,  this  consists  of  the 
characters  for  Imix  (or  Ymix)  and  Kan ;  as  ixim  signi¬ 
fies  “maize,”  we  may  assume,  without  great  liability 
Fig.  90.  of  being  in  error,  that  this  is  the  equivalent  of  Imix. 

But  I  am  inclined  to  believe  the  latter  symbol  (that  for  Kan)  is  used  not 
only  to  denote  bread  (tortillas),  but  that  in  the  pictorial  portion  it  is  also 
frequently  given  to  represent  corn  (maize). 

The  combination  shown  in  Fig.  91,  and  found  so  frequently  on  the 
plates  of  the  Manuscript  and  Codex,  probably  denotes  “cakes”  or  “two 
cakes,”  or  “tortillas  of  maize.”  The  two  are  found  combined  as  in  Fig. 
90  and  with  the  accompanying  characters  on  Plate  III*. 

Turning  to  Plates  VIII*  and  IX*  of  the  Manuscript,  we  notice  along 
the  lower  border  of  the  middle  division  what  are  evidently  offerings;  some 
are  pictorial  representations  and  some  perhaps  symbols;  among  these  we 


Fig.  91. 


THOMAS.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  CHARACTERS. 


157 


see  vessels  of  different  kinds,  on  which  are  Kan  symbols  of  a  reddish  or 
orange  color.  As  heretofore  stated,  we  find  over  one  of  the  groups  (left 
side  of  Plate  IX*),  a  character  accompanied  by  the  numeral  five,  which  I 
have  supposed  denotes  the  Maya  word  ppecuah,  pecuah ,  or  pacach,  “a  tortilla 
of  maize.”  That  these  symbols  could  have  no  legitimate  signification,  if 
interpreted  by  any  of  the  meanings  of  Kan  found  in  the  lexicon,  is  appar¬ 
ent  to  any  one.  The  fact  that  they  are  in  vessels — in  one  case  a  vase 
with  the  usual  vase  mark,  in  another  a  kind  of  platter,  &c. — indicates 
that  they  are  offerings  that  can  be  appropriately  presented  in  vessels  of 
this  kind. 

In  the  lower  division  of  Plate  XXI  we  observe  a  bird  in  the  net  of 
eating  one  of  these  Kan  characters.  Although  this  is  probably  a  symbolic 
representation  relating  to  time,  still  the  figure  itself  is  intended  as  a  repre¬ 
sentation  of  that  which  is  used  as  the  symbol — a  bird  eating  something, 
doubtless  corn  or  bread. 

On  Plate  XXVIII,  second  and  fourth  divisions,  we  notice,  as  I  have 
previously  stated,  the  figure  of  a  deity,  which  probably  signifies  the  earth, 
looking  up  in  a  supplicating  manner,  bearing  in  his  hands,  or  in  the  hands 
of  the  little  figures  he  holds,  Kan  symbols.  As  there  is  good  reason  for 
believing  these  are  symbolic  representations  of  the  parched  earth  pleading  for 
rain,  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the  Kan  characters  here  denote  corn  or 
maize.  This  supposition  is  rendered  almost  certain  by  the  fact  that  the  one 
in  the  right  hand  of  the  lower  figure  presents  a  little  opening  blade  or  leaf, 
showing  that  it  has  been  planted  and  is  sprouting;  in  the  other  hand  is  the 
bread  symbol. 

The  two  combined,  or  the  Kan  singly,  are  of  frequent  occurrence  in 
the  hands  of  the  priests  in  the  Manuscript,  where  apparently  engaged  in 
religious  ceremonies.  .  The  leans  in  the  baskets  carried  by  females  (lower 
divisions  of  Plates  XIX*  and  XX*)  I  have  already  alluded  to;  there  can 
be  scarcely  any  doubt  that  here  they  signify  corn  or  bread,  more  likely  the 
former.  I  think  it  quite  likely  that  here,  and  where  not  in  the  written  por¬ 
tion,  these  figures  have  more  the  character  of  pictographs  than  hieroglyphics, 
as  they  are  both  tolerably  fair  representations  of  a  grain  of  maize. 


158 


A  STUDY  OF  TIIE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


Fig.  92,  copied  from  the  upper  division  of  Plate  IX,  is,  I  think,  beyond 
doubt  the  symbol  for  the  armadillo  figured  in  the  same  division. 
There  are  characters  somewhat  closely  resembling  it  found  in 
other  parts  of  the  Manuscript,  but  none  of  them  have  the  pos¬ 
terior  border  of  scale-marks,  and  at  the  same  time  the  peculiar  eye  that  is 
used  throughout  the  Manuscript  to  mark  quadrupeds. 

Fig.  93,  which  has  for  its  only  characteristic  the  same  figure  as  Landa’s 
ca,  is  found  frequently  in  the  Manuscript,  so  placed  as  to  lead  me  to  believe 
it  represents  some  fruit  or  vegetable  product  that  is  useful  as 
food,  or  in  some  other  way  in  domestic  life,  and  that  was  also 
considered  an  appropriate  offering  to  the  gods. 

For  example,  we  see  it  carried  in  baskets  by  women — lower 
division  of  Plates  XIX*  and  XX*;  in  the  hand  of  the  bird  figure — middle 
division,  Plate  II;  in  the  hands  of  the  priest,  apparently  as  an  offering,  on 
a  number  of  plates;  on  the  back  of  figures  representing  persons  traveling — 
Plate  V ;  marked  on  (as  though  denoting  something  in)  a  vase — lower  divis¬ 
ion,  same  plate;  in  the  symbol  of  the  day  Cimi;  and  also  in  Landa’s  char¬ 
acter  for  k. 

I  presume  from  these  facts  that,  if  phonetic,  the  word  or  syllable  it 
represents  has  as  its  chief  phonetic  element  the  sound  of  k.  As  the  Maya 
word  ca  signifies  a  species  of  squash  or  calabash  used  for  food  in  Yucatan, 
I  presume  this  is  what  it  denotes  in  these  pictorial  representations,  especially 
as  this  interpretation  does  not  appear  to  be  inconsistent  with  its  use  in  any  of 
them.  But  that  it  also  has  other  significations  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  it 
is  found  in  Cimi ,  and  also  as  an  eye-mark.  The  same  idea  is  doubtless 
embraced  in  both,  that  is,  “death,”  and  the  chief  phonetic  element  k. 

In  close  relation  to  this,  and  which  should  be  considered  with  it,  is  the 
character  represented  in  Fig.  94.  Brasseur  has  taken  it  throughout  as  one 
form  of  the  Cimi  symbol;  but  there  are  some  reasons  for  believing 
there  is,  at  least,  a  slight  difference  in  the  signification  of  the  two, 
as  on  Plates  XIX*  and  XX*,  in  the  basket  of  the  woman  at  the  left, 
we  see  both  characters.  As  the  other  burdens  are  represented  by 
the  duplication  of  one  character,  the  bringing  of  these  two  together  here 
shows  their  close  relationship  to  each  other.  It  is  also  worthy  of  notice 


Fig.  92. 


THOMAS.  ] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  CHARACTERS. 


159 


Fig.  95. 


that  the  relative  position  of  the  two  is  exactly  the  reverse  on  one  plate 
from  what  it  is  on  the  other. 

As  the  burdens  of  two  of  these  females  evidently  consist  of  their  house¬ 
hold  gods,  it  is  possible  that  those  of  the  two  just  alluded  to  may  consist 
of  the  bones  of  their  dead.  If  so,  Fig.  94  may  represent  the  skull  and  the 
Cimi  symbol  the  other  bones.  In  the  inscription  above  the  head  of  the  left- 
hand  female,  lower  division  Plate  XX*,  we  find  this  character  (Fig.  95), 
which,  according  to  the  explanation  of  the  parts  so  far  as  given, 
should  probably  be  interpreted  (reading  from  right  to  left) 
cimen-ich ,  “the  dead  children.”  In  this  interpretation  the  right- 
hand  character  is  given  its  usual  signification;  the  reticulated 
portion,  ch ;  and  the  two  lines  running  upward  from  this,  i.  Still  it  is 
possible  that  this  explanation  is  very  wide  of  the  mark,  as  these  charac¬ 
ters  may  represent  certain  fruits  or  other  articles  of  food,  perhaps  different 
kinds  of  calabashes. 

The  character  represented  in  Fig.  96  is  very  closely  related  to,  if  not 
a  variant  of,  the  Cimi  symbol.  It  is  found  very  frequently  through¬ 
out  the  Manuscript  in  the  spaces  containing  the  figures  or  pictorial 
representations.  As  in  a  large  proportion  of  these  cases  the  figures  fig.  96. 
have  some  reference  to  death,  the  gods  of  death,  or  of  the  lower  regions, 
and  as  the  character  appears  to  be  a  variant  of  Cimi,  I  have  designated  it 
the  “death  symbol.” 

It  is  found  in  connection  with  the  supposed  god  of  death  in  the  follow¬ 
ing  places:  Lower  division  of  XXXV  (when  joined  with  XXXIV)-  lower 
division  of  II*;  upper  division  of  VIII*;  second  and  lower  divisions  of  XI*; 
second  division  of  XXII*;  middle  division  of  XXIX*,  of  XXX*,  XXXI*, 
and  XXXIV*.  It  is  also  found  equally  often  with  the  god  and  goddess  with 

this  eye:  It  is  also  found  with  the  god  that  has  the  dark  stripe 


across  the  face,  as  in  the  lower  division  of  Plate  III.  Hence  I  am  inclined 
to  believe  that  this  and  the  other  two  are  to  be  classed  with  the  deities  of 
the  underworld.  We  also  find  this  character  in  several  places  where  the 
idea  of  death  or  destruction  is  evidently  intended  to  be  conveyed.  For 
example,  in  the  upper  division  of  Plates  VII  and  XXV ;  second  and  third 


160 


A.  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


divisions  of  Plate  XXXII;  third  division  of  XXXIII;  upper  division  of 
VIII*  XX*,  and  XXIX*. 

The  next  group  I  refer  to  is  found  in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  X, 
and  consists  of  one  perpendicular  column  and  two  transverse  lines,  as  shown 
in  Fig.  97.  Taking  the  column  at  the  left,  proceeding  from  the  top  down- 


Fig.  97. 


wards,  I  suggest  the  following  interpretation  of  the  four  compound  char- 
acers  : 

“South,  tortilla  of  maize,  vase,  or  pan,  of  burnt  clay,  turn  6  (times).” 

The  characters  here  interpreted  yam  and  xam,  I  am  aware,  are  appar¬ 
ently  identical;  but  the  former,  which  is  a  part  of  that  heretofore  interpreted 
“south,”  is  one  in  reference  to  which  I  have  been,  and  still  am,  in  great 
doubt,  especially  as  it  may  well  be  interpreted  xamin,  “north.”  The  two 
Imix  characters  here  translated  ixim  are  doubtless  used  more  as  symbols 
than  as  word  characters.  The  vase,  or  u  character,  is,  I  think,  simply 
added  to  render  definite  that  to  which  it  is  attached.  The  lowest  character 
(Panda’s  b)  may  be  heb ,  “to  turn  over”  or  “revolve”;  eb,  “to  elevate”;  be, 
“to  march”;  or pe,  also  “to  march.” 

The  transverse  lines  reading  from  left  to  right,  I  would  interpret  thus: 

“West,  tortilla  of  maize,  pan  of  burnt  clay,  7  (times),  deer?” 


THOMAS.] 


INTERPRETATION  QE  CHARACTERS. 


161 


A  free  translation  of  the  column  would  then  be  about  as  follows: 

“  Facing  the  south,  place  the  tortilla  of  maize  on  the  pan  of  burnt  clay 
and  turn  it  six  times  (or  elevate  it,  or  march  with  it  six  times).” 

The  meaning  of  the  transverse  lines  is  similar,  except  as  to  direction, 
until  we  reach  the  last  character,  which  I  have  reason  to  believe  refers  to 
the  deer.  But  it  also  contains  another  element,  represented  by  the  circle 
at  the  lower  margin  inclosing  little  dots,  probably  the  equivalent  of  the  b- 
character  of  the  column. 

The  line  and  column  in  the  upper  division  of  Plate  XI  appear  to  be 
of  similar  import,  but  varied  in  the  cardinal  points  and  in  one  of  the  char¬ 
acters.  I  am  not  prepared  to  attempt  an  interpretation  of  this  group,  but 
am  inclined  to  believe,  from  the  presence  of  the  ik  symbol,  that  it  refers  to 
exorcising  the  evil  spirit. 

The  groups  in  the  middle  and  lower  divisions  of  Plate  XIY  (Fig.  16, 
p.  99),  which  are  to  be  taken  in  columns,  and  read  from  the  top  downwards, 
are  evidently  of  similar  import. 

Take,  for  example,  the  second  (third,  if  the  day  column  is  counted) 
from  the  left  of  the  middle  division,  I  would  suggest  something  like  the  fol¬ 
lowing  interpretation  (reading  from  the  top  downwards): 

•£  m 

7  (I) 

The  third  compound  or  double  character  is  possibly  a  pictograph  to 
represent  venison,  or  deer  hams.  Brasseur  supposes  it  to  be  a  variant  of 

the  Cimi  character,  but  this  I  think  very  doubtful. 

11  M  T 


North  (?)  tortilla  (or  maize).  (?)  the  olla. 

Fig.  98. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


ILLUSTRATIONS  OF  THE  DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMBERS  IN 
THE  FIRST  PART  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT 

In  order  that  as  much  of  the  material  contained  in  this  Manuscript  as 
can  he  given  without  facsimile  representations  may  be  placed  before  the 
reader,  I  will  now  give  the  names  of  the  days  und  in  the  day  columns 
of  some  of  the  plates;  this  will  enable  him  to  test  my  interpretation  of 
the  numerals.  As  my  object  in  doing  this  is  to  give  an  opportunity  to  all 
into  whose  hands  this  paper  may  fall  to  test  the  correctness  of  the  theo¬ 
ries  I  have  advanced,  I  will  give  the  different  divisions  of  the  plates,  each 
with  its  own  days  and  numbers.  It  is  to  be  understood  that  where  there  is 
more  than  one  division  on  a  plate,  as  is  usually  the  case,  they  will  be  num¬ 
bered  consecutively  from  the  top  downward,  first,  second,  third,  &c.  In 
giving  the  numerals,  the  Roman  represent  the  red  or  day  numerals,  the 
Arabic  the  black  or  month  numbers.  The  red  numerals  usually  found 
over  the  day  columns  will  also  be  placed  over  them  here.  Those  in  the 
spaces  will  also  be  given  in  the  spaces  here,  and  by  pairs  as  in  the  Manu¬ 
script.  In  the  first  example  a  few  explanatory  words  will  be  placed  in 
parentheses;  afterwards  these  will  be  omitted. 

Plates  I-XIX  all  contain  three  divisions,  separated  from  each  other 
by  broad,  transverse  red  or  brown  lines.  It  is  therefore  to  be  understood, 
when  no  special  mention  is  made  of  the  number  of  the  divisions,  that 
there  are  three  on  each  plate.  The  upper  or  top  division  I  will  designate 
as  the  first,  tlie  middle  as  the  second,  and  the  bottom  as  the  third.  These 
divisions  are  again  divided  into  compartments,  usually  differing  in  the  color 
of  the  ground,  which  is  .white,  reddish-brown,  or  blue.  In  some  cases  the 
subject-matter  of  a  division  is  continued  into  the  second  or  even  the  third 

plate.  These  do  not  follow  each  other  in  the  usual  order  of  pages.  Where  it 
162 


THOMAS.] 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


163 


extends  over  upon  the  next  page  or  plate,  it  is  always  to  be  understood  that 
the  one  which  precedes  is  to  have  its  left  margin  placed  to  the  right  margin 
of  that  which  follows,  and  that  the  day  column  at  the  left  of  a  division  refers 
to  all  that  stand  to  the  right  of  it,  when  thus  placed,  until  another  day  col¬ 
umn  is  reached.  In  order  to  make  this  clear,  let  me  illustrate  by  an  example. 
On  the  middle  division  of  Plate  V  we  find  a  day  column  with  two  figures  to 
the  right  of  it.  Turning  to  Plate  IV,  we  find  other  figures  of  a  similar  char¬ 
acter,  but  no  day  column.  By  placing  the  latter  (Plate  IV)  so  that  its  left 
margin  joins  to  the  right  margin  of  the  former  (Plate  V),  we  have  a  con¬ 
tinuous  series  of  figures  of  a  similar  character.  The  day  column,  therefore, 
on  the  latter  plate,  re.  o  all  on  the  right  until  we  reach  the  next  day 
column,  which  will  be  found  in  this  case  on  the  left  margin  of  Plate  III,  as 
in  the  annexed  diagram. 

V.  IV.  III. 


In  this  illustration  the  letters  represent  the  days  and  the  position  of  the 
day  columns.  That  this  is  the  proper  position  of  these  plates  in  reference 
to  each  other  may  be  seen  by  referring  to  Plates  XXX  and  XXXI,  where 
the  head  of  the  bird  in  the  third  division  of  Plate  XXXI — there  are  four 
divisions  in  this  case — is  on  the  right  margin  and  the  tail  on  the  left  margin 
of  Plate  XXX.1 

1  By  binding  together  the  plates,  exactly  the  reverse  of  Brasseur’s  paging — as  is  done  in  many 
copies — we  will  probably  have  them  arranged  in  the  order  intended. 


164 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


On  Plates  XXX*  and  XXIX*  the  head  of  the  black  figure  is  at  the 
right  margin  of  the  upper  division  of  the  former,  while  the  body  and  feet 
are  in  the  left  margin  of  the  upper  division  of  the  latter.  This  explanation 
will  be  sufficient  to  make  clear  what  may  hereafter  be  said  in  reference  to 
the  subject-matter  of  the  division  of  one  plate  extending  over  upon  the 
corresponding  division  of  another. 


Plate  I. 


O  O  O 


The  day  characters  on  this  plate,  if  there  were  any,  are  wholly  oblit¬ 
erated. 

Plate  II. 

I  give  below  (Fig.  99)  an  illustration  of  the  day  and  numeral  characters 
of  the  second  division  of  this  plate.  The  black  numerals, 
or  those  for  the  month  are  given  here  in  solid  black,  the  red 

or  day  numer- 
O  als  in  outline. 
As  the  first 

character  in  the  left  column  is  an  unusual  one,  and  the 
first  of  the  right  column  is  too  much  obliterated  to  be 
determined  by  inspection,  we  must  ascertain  them  by 
means  of  the  intervals. 

The  third  in  the  left  column  is  certainly  Chuen  and 
the  fourth  Akbal — this  gives  an  interval  of  twelve  days; 
those  of  the  right  column  are  Been,  Chicchan,  Caban, 
and  Muluc,  the  interval  being  in  each  case  twelve  days. 
This  gives  for  the  left  column  Manik,  Cauac,  Chuen,  Akbal,  and  Men.  The 
Cauac  character,  if  such  it  be,  is  a  very  unusual  one,  being  identical  with 
that  for  Men.1  The  first  character  in  the  right  column  is  that  for  Ymix. 


Fjg.  9y. 


‘This,  I  think,  is  au  evident  mistake,  and  furnishes  one  reason  for  believing  this  MS.  is  a  copy. 


THOMAS.  1 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


165 


Plate  III. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 


Manik. 

XI-5. 

VI-5. 

Cauac. 

VI-5. 

IX-11. 

Chuen. 

VIII-5. 

IV-3. 

Akbal. 

X-10. 

Men. 

SECOND  DIVISION. 


IV. 

IV. 

Akbal. 

Ben. 

1-10. 

Muluc. 

Cauac. 

X-  9. 

Men. 

Chicchan. 

IV-  7. 

Ymix. 

Chuen. 

Manik 

Caban. 

THIRD  DIVISION. 

Day  column  obliterated. 

Plate  IV. 

The  first  division  of  this  plate  is  rather  an  unusual  one  in  regard  to  the 
days  and  numbers.  The  days  are  as  follows: 


FIRST  DIVISION. 

Aliau. 

Oc.  X-9. 

Eb.  (?)-7. 

Ik. 

Kan. 

Ix. 

Cib. 

Cimi. 

Lamat. 

We  observe  that  only  three  of  the  regular  numbers  remain;  but  in 
addition  to  these  there  are  small  red  characters  representing  the  following 
numbers  (?)  I, XII,  I, XII,  I, XII,  I, XII,  I, XII. 


166 


A.  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


SECOND  DIVISION. 


The  second  division  commences  on  Plate  V,  and  includes  all  of  the 
ooo  o  second  division  of  that  plate.  The  characters  are  as  repre¬ 
sented  in  the  annexed  cut  (Fig.  100): 

@  oooo  v  o  ®  ooo  The  days  are 

Kan,  Gib,  Lamat, 

Ahau,  Eb;  the  dates,  4th  day,  13th  and  11th  months;  1st  day, 
13th  month;  9th  day,  lltli  month;  and  8th  day,  13th  month. 


THIRD 

DIVISION. 

XI L 

HID 

Cauac. 

VI-6. 

Fig.  100. 

Chuen. 

VI-6. 

Akbal. 

VI-7. 

Men. 

VI-7. 

Manik. 

XIII-7. 

XIII-7. 

Plate  V. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 

The  first  division  of  this  plate  contains  two  compartments.  The  first 
has  the  numeral  IV  over  the  day  column.  The  days  are  Caban,  Muluc, 
Ymix,  Been  Chicchan.  The  numbers  in  the  space  are  I-1G,  X-10. 

The  second  compartment  is  found  partly  on  Plate  V  and  partly  on 
Plate  IV,  and  is  similar  to  the  first  division  of  Plate  IV.  The  days  are 
Cauac,  Muluc,  Chuen,  Ymix,  Akbal,  Been,  Men,  Chicchan,  Manik.  The 
only  regular  number  unobliterated  is  the  black  numeral  13  in  the  space. 
The  following  are  the  small  red  numerals:  XIII,  XI,  XIII,  XI,  XIII  (?), 
XIII,  XI,  XIII.  White  cross-bones  on  a  black  ground  are  in  this  space. 


SECOND  DIVISION. 


The  second  division  of  this  plate  runs  over  on  Plate  IV,  and  has  been 
illustrated  and  described  as  belonging  to  that  plate. 


TIIOMAS.  ] 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


167 


THIRD  DIVISION. 

The  day  characters  in  the  third  division  are  wholly  obliterated. 

Plate  VI. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 


IV(f). 

Allan. 

(t)-io. 

Eb. 

XI-10. 

Kan. 

IV-12. 

Cib. 

(f)-10. 

Lamat. 

IX-10. 

SECOND  DIVISION. 

XII. 

Caban.  XIII— 13. 

Ik.  XI 11-13. 

Manik.  XII-13. 

Eb.  XIII-13. 

Caban.  XIII-13. 


THIRD  DIVISION. 


IV. 

IV. 

Aliau. 

Oc. 

Cimi. 

Cib. 

Eb. 

Ik. 

Ezanab. 

Lamat. 

Kan. 

Ix. 

Plate  VII. 

FIRST  DIVISION. 

The  characters  and  numerals  being'  partially  obliterated  in  the  first 
division  of  this  plate,  it  is  omitted. 


168 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCEIPT  TEOANO. 


SECOND  DIVISION. 


XII. 

I. 

Clmen. 

Cib. 

Ymix. 

Cirni. 

Chuen. 


XIII  \ 

|  -13. 

XII } 
I  j 

-13. 

XII  } 

-13. 

xii  ; 

i ( 

!  -13. 

This  section  (second)  of  Plate  VII  contains  some  peculiarities  in  the 
day  symbols  and  numeral  characters.  For  example,  the  day  (red)  numerals 

o  O  O  _p  o 

are  given  thus, 


o  o 

and  I;  the  second  XII  and  I. 


,  the  first  signifying  two  numbers,  XIII 


The  symbol  for  Cimi  is  also  peculiar  and  is  in  this  form  The 

numbers  over  the  column  are  XII  and  I. 


THIRD  DIVISION.  . 

Day  characters  on  Plate  VIII. 


(?) 

Kan. 

Plate  VIIL 

FIRST  DIVISION. 

(?) 

Ix.  XIII-  1. 

Oc. 

Ahau. 

XII-11. 

Cib. 

Cimi. 

I-  4. 

Ik. 

Eb. 

X-  4. 

Lamat. 

Ezanab. 

II-  2. 

TIIOMAB.  1 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


169 


SECOND  DIVISION. 

VII. 

VII. 

Ahau. 

Cimi. 

XIII-  1. 

Eb. 

Ezanab. 

I-  1. 

Kan. 

Oc. 

XII-  5. 

Cib. 

Ik. 

IV-  3. 

Lamat. 

Ix. 

VII-13. 

VII-  3. 

LEFT 

SECTION  OF 

THIRD  DIVISION. 

XII. 

XII. 

Cimi. 

Ahau. 

II-  2. 

X-10. 

Ezanab. 

Eb. 

VII-  5. 

XII-12(?). 

Oc. 

Kan. 

XIII-  3. 

Ik. 

Cib. 

X-ll. 

Ix. 

Lamat. 

XII-  2(1). 

RIGHT  SECTION  OF  THIRD  DIVISION. 


I. 


Ahau. 

X-10. 

Eb. 

IX-10. 

Kan. 

V-10. 

Cib. 

11-10. 

Lamat. 

CD-io. 

Ahau. 

/-* 


Part  of  this  section  runs  over  on  Plate  VII. 

The  figures  in  this  division,  which  are  all  blue,  are  each  seated  on  a 
large  compound  character,  under  one  of  the  pairs  of  numerals  above  given, 
and  pertaining  to  it  as  shown  by  the  lines  dividing  these  minor  spaces.  In 
the  character  on  which  each  figure  is  seated  there  are,  first,  an  Ahau  of  the 
usual  size  and  form,  to  which  is  joined  a  black  numeral;  then  several  small 
Chuen  symbols.  The  numeral  over  the  Ahau  belonging  to  the  day  num¬ 
bered  I,  as  given  above,  is  9;  that  belonging 'to  the  day  numbered  II  is  10; 
that  belonging  to  the  day  numbered  V  is  11. 


170 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


The  lists  of  day  characters  on  this  plate  as  given  by  M.  de  Charency, 
differ  from  the  foregoing  only  in  having  lx  for  the  first  day  of  the  left  col¬ 
umn  of  the  upper  division,  and  Kan  for  the  first  day  of  the  right  column 
of  the  same  division.  These  two  days  are  obliterated  in  the  Manuscript 
and  hence  have  to  be  restored,  which  can  only  be  done  by  counting  the 
intervals. 

The  interval  between  the  days  in  these  two  columns,  as  may  be  seen 
by  counting,  is  six  da}^s.  This  gives  Kan  as  the  first  of  the  left-hand  col¬ 
umn  and  lx  as  the  first  of  the  right-hand;  hence  I  conclude  that  this  author 
is  wrong  in  his  restoration,  or  lias  made  a  mistake  in  transcribing.  Follow¬ 
ing  out  his  plan,  we  would  have  an  interval  of  sixteen  days  between  lx  and 
Oc  in  the  first  column  and  of  six  between  each  of  the  others,  and  a  like 
discrepancy  in  the  other  column.  But  I  think  it  is  evident,  from  what  he 
says  on  page  30  of  the  same  work,  that  he  has  unintentionally  reversed 
these  two  days,  as  it  is  not  sixteen  days  from  Kan  to  Oc,  as  he  says,  but 
six.  If  we  substitute  lx  for  Kan  and  Kan  for  lx,  we  find  all  his  numbers 
correct,  except  that  it  is  only  ten  days  from  Lamat  to  Ezanab,  instead  of 
sixteen,  as  he  states. 

Plate  IX. 

FIKST  DIVISION. 

X  (?). 


Men.  VII-(?)  The  death  symbol  is  found  in  this  space  occu- 

Manik.  ( lV(?)  pying  the  place  of  one  number  of  this  pair. 

Cauac.  II— 1 . 

Clmen.  VI-4. 


Akbal. 

XIII-7. 

• 

IV. 

SECOND 

IV. 

DIVISION. 

Cimi. 

Aliau. 

V-l. 

VIII-4, 

Ezanab. 

Eb. 

XII 1-3. 

X-3. 

Ik. 

Kan. 

VI 1-2. 

1-9. 

Oc. 

Cib. 

1 1-2. 

Ix. 

Lamat. 

IV-3. 

1  Doeli iff ro me nt  des  ficritures  Calculiformes  on  Mayas,  p.  26. 


THOMAS.  | 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


171 


THIRD  DIVISION 


X. 

X. 

Ezanab. 

Lam  at. 

XII-2. 

Kan. 

Ix. 

X-3. 

Oc. 

Allan. 

IX-2. 

Gib. 

Cimi. 

1 1-3. 

Ik 

Eb. 

Ill— 2. 

Plate  X. 

FIRST  DIVISION. 

There  are  no  day  characters  in  this  division. 


SLCOND  DIVISION. 


V. 

V. 

Oc. 

Ahau. 

VI 1-2. 

Gib. 

Cimi. 

V-9. 

Ik. 

Eb. 

IX-2. 

La  mat. 

Ezanab. 

IV-8. 

Ix. 

Kan. 

V-4. 

THIRD 

DIVISION. 

VII. 

VII. 

Cib. 

Cimi. 

IX-  2. 

Ik. 

Eb. 

VII-12. 

Lamat. 

Ezanab. 

X-  1 

Ix. 

Kan. 

XIII-  3. 

Ahau. 

Oc. 

VIII- 

Plate  XL 


iv. 

Ezanab. 

Oc.  1-10. 

Ik.  -  8. 

Ix. 

Cimi. 


VI 1-3. 
1-5. 

VII- (?) 


FIRST  DIVISION. 


172 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCBIPT  TltOANO. 


SECOND  DIVISION. 


CD 

Oc. 

03 

Ahau. 

II-l. 

XIII-2. 

Cib. 

Cimi. 

CD-9. 

X-5. 

Ik. 

Eb. 

IV-4. 

Lamat. 

Ezanab. 

IV-2. 

Ix. 

Kan. 

VI-2. 

THIRD 

DIVISION. 

IV. 

IV. 

Oc. 

Ahau. 

V-l. 

IV-2. 

Cib. 

Cimi. 

IV-9. 

Ik. 

Eb. 

VII-2. 

Lamat. 

Ezanab. 

IX-4. 

Ix* 

Kan. 

XIII-6. 

Plate  XII. 

FIRST 

DIVISION. 

X. 

Men. 

(I)-  5. 

II-  6. 

- 

Ahau. 

XIII-11. 

IX-13. 

Cliicclian. 

IX-  9. 

IX-  8. 

Oc. 

XIII-  4. 

Men. 

IX-  9. 

SECOND 

DIVISION. 

XII. 

XII. 

Ix. 

Aliau. 

XIII-  1. 

IX-2. 

Cimi. 

Eb. 

XII-  2. 

XII-3. 

Ik. 

Kan. 

X-ll. 

Ezanab. 

Cib. 

Ill-  3. 

Oc. 

Lamat. 

VII-  3. 

THOMAS.) 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


173 


THIRD  DIVISION. 


I. 

Cimi. 

VII-  4. 

Ezanab. 

CD-17. 

Oc. 

IV-  7. 

Ik. 

X-  2. 

Ix. 

X-  3. 

XIII-  3. 
X-10 


The  lists  of  days  on  this  plate,  as  given  by  Charency,  agree  with  those 
here  given,  only  in  the  middle  division.  Those  of  the  first  and  third  divis¬ 
ions,  as  given  by  him,  are  as  follows: 


FIRST  DIVISION. 

Men. 

Aliau. 

Oc. 

Men. 

Men. 


THIRD  DIVISION. 

Cimi. 

Ezanab. 

Eb. 

Ik. 

Cib. 


Some  of  the  characters  on  this  plate  are  of  a  form  found  here  only. 
The  character  for  Oc  in  both  divisions  is  unusual,  an  eye  being  inserted 

which  throws  back  the  broken  line  as  shown  in  the  annexed  figure. 

The  character  for  Chicchan  in  the  first  division  is  somewhat  different 

from  the  usual  form,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  figure  here  given. 

So  far  as  the  list  in  the  first  division  is  concerned,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  first  and  last  characters  represent  Men.  This  would  of  itself  require 
an  interval  of  five  days  between  each  two,  if  uniform  throughout. 

Counting  from  Men  to  Aliau,  we  have  an  interval  of  five  days;  five 
more  gives  us  Chicchan,  five  more  Oc,  and  five  more  Men,  as  it  should  be. 

Now  turning  to  the  third  division  of  this  plate,  we  find  that  the  interval 
between  Cimi  and  Ezanab  is  twelve  days;  twelve  more  will  give  Oc. 
twelve  more  Ik,  and  twelve  more  lx,  which  makes  the  days  and  the  order 


174 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


precisely  like  that  of  the  right-hand  column  of  the  middle  division  of  Plate 
VIII  as  given  by  both  Charency  and  myself,  and  regarding  which  there  can 
be  no  doubt. 

The  reader  will  see  that  Charency’s  arrangement  of  this  third  division 
(Plate  XII)  gives  twelve  days  for  the  first  interval,  fourteen  for  the  second, 
ten  for  the  third,  and  fourteen  for  the  last. 

The  character  for  lx  in  this  division  is  an  unusual  one,  being  as  here 

represented. 


Plate  XIII. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 


III. 

III. 

Kan. 

Lamat. 

1 1-2. 

XIII-2. 

Oc. 

Ix. 

III-9. 

XI-2. 

Cib. 

Cimi. 

<1 

i 

li 

Ahau. 

Eb. 

X(?)-4. 

Ik. 

Ezanab. 

VII-5. 

SECOND 

DIVISION. 

XIII. 

XIII. 

Cib. 

Oc. 

V-L 

X-3. 

Kan. 

Ik. 

XIII-9. 

VII-2. 

La  mat. 

Ix. 

Ill— 1. 

Ahau. 

Cimi. 

II— 5. 

Eb(f). 

Ezanab. 

IV- 1. 

THIRD 

DIVISION. 

X. 

X. 

Oc. 

Ahau. 

Ill-  3. 

XIII— 3. 

Cib. 

Cimi 

X-10. 

Ik. 

Eb. 

VII-  4. 

Lam  at 

Ezanab. 

X-  2. 

lx. 

Kan. 

XI-  4. 

THOMAS.) 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


175 


The  character  for  Cimi  is  similar  to  that  in  the  middle  division  of  Plate 

VII. 

Plates  XIV  and  XV  are  so  badly  damaged  that  the  numerals  and  day 
characters  cannot  be  satisfactorily  made  out. 

Plates  XVI  and  XVII. 

All  the  divisions  of  Plate  XVII  extend  over  and  occupy  the  whole  of 
Plate  XVI. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 


IV. 

A  hau. 

VIII-4. 

XI-11. 

Eb. 

1-6. 

VI-  8. 

Kan. 

X-9. 

IV-1 1. 

Gib. 

Lamat. 

XIII-3. 

SECOND  DIVISION. 

I. 

Caban. 

IX-  8. 

11-12. 

Muluc. 

Ill-  7. 

-  4. 

Ymix. 

XIII-10. 

Been. 

V-(f). 

Chicchan. 

X-6. 

THIRD  DIVISION. 

XII. 

Chicchan. 

Ill-  4. 

VIII-10. 

Caban. 

VIII-  5. 

XII-  5. 

Muluc. 

II-  8. 

Ymix. 

X-(¥). 

Been(?). 

X-13. 

176 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Plate  XVIII. 


The  column 

of  day  characters 

belonging  to  the  first 

division  of  this 

plate  is  found  in  the  first  division  of  Plate  XIX. 

SECOND 

DIVISION. 

IV. 

IV. 

Cimi. 

Ahau. 

Ill— 2. 

IV-4. 

Ezanab. 

Eb. 

VIII-5. 

Oc. 

Kan. 

1-5. 

Ik. 

Cib. 

XII-5. 

Ix. 

Lamat. 

IX-5. 

THIRD 

DIVISION. 

X. 

Ezanab. 

IV-5. 

X-6. 

XI-6. 

Oc. 

(I)-4. 

IV-3. 

V-4. 

Ik. 

VIII-4. 

X-3. 

VIII-3. 

Ix. 

1 1-4. 

V-3. 

XII-4. 

Cimi. 

(T)— HI. 

Plate  XIX. 

The  subject-matter  of  the  first 

division  of  this  plate 

occupies  all  the 

first  division  of  Plate  XVIII. 

FIRST 

DIVISION. 

IV. 

Ahau. 

11-13. 

Eb. 

11-11. 

Kan. 

XIII-11. 

Cib. 

X-10. 

Lamat. 

IV-  7. 

-a 

THOMAS] 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


177 


SECOND  DIVISION. 

The  red  numerals  in  this  division  are  doubled,  as  in  the  manner  here- 


tofore  shown. 

IX  and  IV. 

- 

Cib. 

XI  and  VI-10. 

Lamat. 

VII  and  11-11. 

Ahau. 

IX  and  I-  7. 

Eb. 

IX  and  IV-  2. 

Kan. 

THIRD  DIVISION. 


III. 

III. 

Muluc. 

Cauac. 

X-  7. 

Men. 

Chicchan. 

Ill-  6. 

Ymix. 

Chuen. 

CO 

1 

1— 1 

> 

Manik. 

Caban. 

III-10. 

Been. 

Akbal. 

The  character  in  this  division  interpreted  as  Chicchan  is  an  unusual 

one,  being  in  this  form : 

The  numerals  on  Plates  XXIV  and  XXV  and  those  in  the  upper 
division  of  Plate  XXVI  being  partially  obliterated,  we  have  omitted  them. 


Plate  XXVI. 


LOWER  DIVISION. 


XIII. 

Ahau. 

XIII-13. 

Eb. 

XIII-13. 

Kan. 

XIII-13 

Cib. 

XIII-13. 

Lamat. 

- 

12  M  T 


178 


A  STUDY  OP  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


Plate  XXVII. 

UPPER  DIVISION. 

XL 

Ahau. 

X-13. 

Eb. 

XI-13. 

Kan. 

XI-13. 

Gib. 

Lamat. 

XI-13. 

LOWER  DIVISION. 

IX. 

Chuen. 

XIII  (or  XIV)-2. 

Caban. 

XI-  2. 

Akbal. 

VI-  2. 

Muluc. 

IX-  3. 

Men. 

VI-10. 

Ymix. 

IV-  4. 

Manik. 

Been. 

Chicchan. 

Cauac. 

~  IX-  3. 

We  find  in  tlie  day  column  of  this  division  a  rather  unusual  character 


for  Chicchan,  which  is  here  shown 


As  the  day  column  entirely 


fills  the  space  the  numeral  character  which  should  be  placed  at  the  top  is 
put  at  the  side  of  the  first  day  character.  The  first  red  numeral  is  as  follows: 

O  O  O  O 

The  right-hand  dot  in  the  original  is  imperfect,  small,  and 


crowded,  and,  as  I  believe,  is  there  by  mistake. 


THOMAS.] 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


179 


Plate 

XXVIII. 

The  characters  of  the  first  division  are  somewhat  obliterated. 

numerals. 

SECOND 

DIVISION. 

® 

Men. 

XI-  9. 

Manik. 

I-  9. 

Cauac. 

I-  9. 

Chuen. 

1-17. 

Akbal. 

V-  7. 

THIRD 

DIVISION. 

XI. 

Ahau. 

VII-  2. 

Eb. 

OD-7. 

Kan. 

XI-10. 

Cib. 

XI-13. 

Lamat. 

FOURTH 

DIVISION. 

Men. 

I-  8. 

Manik. 

III-14. 

Been. 

XI 11-13. 

Eb. 

1-13. 

Chuen. 

*  V-  3. 

Plate  XXIX. 

No  day  characters  in  the  first,  second,  or  third  divisions. 

FOURTH 

DIVISION. 

XII 

Cimi. 

VI- 

Ezanab. 

VI-13. 

Oc. 

III-10. 

Ik. 

XII-  9. 

Ix. 

180 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TBOANO. 


Plate  XXX. 

The  left-hand  compartments  of  the  first,  second,  and  third  divisions  of 
this  plate  are  continuations  of  the  first,  second,  and  third  divisions  of  Plate 
XXXI.  The  right-hand  compartments  of  these  three  divisions  form  the 
commencement  of,  and  contain  the  day  characters  for  the  first,  second,  and 
third  divisions  of  Plate  XXIX. 


SECOND  DIVISION. 

(III?). 

Ik. 

Ix. 

Cirni. 

Ezanab. 

Oc. 


FIRST  COLUMN,  THIRD  DIVISION. 


Lamat. 

Kan. 

Ahau. 

Cib. 

Eb. 


The  numerals  are  placed  in  this  form  over  the 
column.  They  are  probably  to  be  taken  in  pairs,  the 
black  characters  representing  two  separate  numbers, 
one  stripe  with  the  dots  to  be  taken  with  the  red  nu¬ 
meral  above,  thus,  V-9 ;  the  two  remaining  stripes  with  the  red 
numerals  below  thus,  VII— 1 0. 


o 


o 


RIGHT  COMPARTMENT,  THIRD  DIVISIQN. 

I 


XIII. 

Muluc. 

XIII-13. 

Ix. 

XIII-13. 

Cauac. 

XIII-13. 

Kan. 

XIII-13. 

Muluc. 

XIII-13. 

There  are  no  day  characters  in  the  fourth  division. 


TIIOMAS.] 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


181 


Plate  XXXI. 

Day  characters  obliterated  in  the  first  division. 


SECOND  DIVISION. 


Kan. 

VII-11. 

Cib. 

V-ll. 

Lamat. 

III-ll. 

Ahau. 

f-11. 

Eb. 

IX-11. 

THIRD  DIVISION. 

Chuen. 

Oc. 

Muluc. 

Cirni. 

Cimi. 

Cliicchan. 

Akbal. 

Ik. 

Ymix. 

Cauac. 

Ezanab. 

Caban. 

Men. 

Ix. 

Been. 

These  columns  all 

have  the  same  numerals 

over  them  as  the  : 

column  in  the  third  division  of  Plate  XXX,  and  they  are  arranged  in 

same  way.  There  are  no  numerals  in  the  spaces. 

FOURTH  DIVISION. 

XIII. 

XIII. 

Ymix. 

Manik. 

IX-  9. 

Been. 

Cauac 

XII-  3. 

Cliicchan. 

Chuen. 

IX-10. 

Caban. 

Akbal. 

i 

i— i 

X 

Muluc. 

Men. 

XIII-  2. 

This  division  extends  over  to  Plate  XXX. 


182 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Plate  XXXII. 

FIRST  DIVISION. 


<2 


Cib. 

XIII-  9. 

Lamat. 

-  8. 

Ahau. 

IX-  8. 

Eb. 

11-17. 

Kan. 

II-  9. 

SECOND 

DIVISION. 

(VIII?). 

Ik. 

I-  6. 

Ix. 

IX-  8. 

Cimi. 

II-  1 

Ezanab. 

VIII-18. 

Muluc. 

THIRD 

DIVISION. 

(?) 

Ix. 

XII. 

Ix. 

VI.  In  space,  5. 

Ix. 

XIII. 

Cimi?  or  death  symbol 


FOURTH  DIVISION. 


(?) 

Lamat. 

III-13. 

Ahau. 

Ill— 1 3. 

Eb. 

Ill— 13. 

Kan. 

•  III— 13. 

Cib. 

THOMAS.] 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


183 


* 


Plate  XXXIII. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 


(?) 

Kan. 

VII-  5. 

Muluc. 

CO 

1 

1— 1 
►— 1 

Ix. 

X-  ?. 

Cauac. 

XIII-15. 

Kan. 

VIII-  8. 

,  SECOND  DIVISION. 

Chuen.  Ymix. 

Caban.  Manik. 

Akbal.  ’Been. 

Muluc.  Cauac. 

Men.  Chicchan. 

THIRD  DIVISION. 

Column  left  compartment.  Column  right  compartment. 


V?. 

V. 

Cauac. 

Kan. 

XII?. 

XII. 

Cauac. 

Kan.. 

VI?. 

VI. 

Cimi  ?. 

Cimi?. 

XIII. 

XIII. 

Cimi?. 

Cimi?. 

FOURTH  DIVISION. 

III-13. 
III-13. 
III-13. 
III-13. 


Caban. 

Muluc. 

Imix. 

Been. 

Chicchan. 


11-11. 

X?-  3. 
VIII-  6. 
IV,  or  IX-  6. 

?_  4 


184 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


Plate  XXXIV. 

The  first  and  fourth  divisions  belong  to  Plate  XXXV. 


SECOND  DIVISION. 


IV. 

Cimi. 

Ezanab. 

Oc. 

Ik. 

Ix. 


XII-8. 
XI 1 1-7?. 
?-7. 
IV-8. 


VI-8. 

?  ?. 

IXf-7?. 


THIRD  DIVISION. 


IV?. 

Ahau, 

XI-  ?. 

Eb. 

11-17. 

Kan. 

IV-15. 

Cib. 

Lamat. 

Plate  XXXV. 


On  this  plate  the  day  column  in  the  second  division  is  illegible. 


Lamat. 

Been. 

Ezanab, 

Akbal. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 

(?)-10. 

VII-10.  VIII-10. 

V?-10.  XII?-10. 

1-10. 

XI-10. 

THIRD  DIVISION. 


(?) 

Ymix. 

Been. 

Caban. 

Chicchan. 

Muluc. 


X-10. 

IX-11. 

IX-13. 

VIII-12. 

1-12. 


THOMAS.] 


DAY  COLUMNS  AND  NUMERAL  CHARACTERS. 


185 


FOURTH  DIVISION. 

IY. 

Ahau.  -  IX— 11. 

Chicchan.  1-17. 

Oc.  Ill  or  IV-17. 

Men. 

Ahau. 

Plate  I*. 

No  day  characters  are  discernible  in  the  first  division  of  this  plate. 


THIRD  DIVISION. 


11 

Caban. 

I-  6. 

Ik. 

I-  5. 

Manik. 

1-13. 

Eb. 

Caban  ? 

Plate  II*. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 

Manik.  XI-  4. 

Eb.  IX-15L 

Caban. 

Ik. 

Manik. 

SECOND  DIVISION. 


Left  column. 

Right  column. 

IX. 

VIII 1 

Caban.  IX-12. 

Ik.  11-13. 

Ik.  IX-13. 

Eb.  IY-13. 

Manik.  IX-181 

Manik.  IY— 11. 

Eb. 

Caban. 

Caban. 

Ik. 

This  division  is  continued  on  Plate  I*. 
Left  column,  third  division,  illegible. 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


THIRD  DIVISION. 

Right  column. 

IV. 

Ahau. 

Eb.  XI-13. 

Kan.  IV-19  or  9  and  10. 

Cib. 

Lamat. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


A  DISCUSSION  OF  DATES,  WITH  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO 
THOSE  OF  THE  PEREZ  MANUSCRIPT. 

*  As  I  have  heretofore  touched  upon  this  topic,  I  must  ask  the  reader  to 

refer  to  what  is  there  stated,  that  I  may  dispense  with  repeating  it  here. 
But  it  is  proper  to  remind  him  here  that  having  proven,  at  least  satis¬ 
factorily  to  myself,  that  the  Ahau  consisted  of  twenty-four  years,  this 
number  is  always  to  be  understood  whenever  this  period  is  mentioned  in 
this  discussion.  In  the  second  place,  I  start  with  the  understanding  that  a 
13  th  Ahau  closed  with  the  year  1542.  I  have  already  given  my  reasons, 
somewhat  at  length,  for  this  conclusion.  I  may  add  that  Dr.  Valentini,  in  his 
article  on  the  Perez  Manuscript,  arrives  at  the  same  conclusion.  Brasseur1 
also  concludes  the  13th  Ahau  with  the  year  1542,  as  he  gives  the  following 
explanation:  11  Bans  le  XIII  Ahau  Katun,  cest-a-dire,  entre  les  annees  1518— 
1542”;  thus  counting  twenty-four  years  to  this  period,  notwithstanding  his 
repeated  statement  elsewhere  that  it  contained  but  twenty.  We  may  there¬ 
fore  feel  assured  that  we  have  in  these  dates — the  24th  year  of  the  XIII 
Ahau— A.  D.  1542 — one  connecting  link  between  the  two  chronological 
systems;  and  also  that  the  author  of  the  Perez  Manuscript  was  correct  in 
stating  that  at  the  period  alluded  to — the  year  1536 — “  six  years  were 
wanting  to  the  completion  of  the  13th  Ahau.” 

In  order  that  the  reader  may  have  before  him  as  much  of  the  data 
bearing  upon  this  point  as  can  be  conveniently  given  here,  I  insert  at  this 
point  a  copy  of  the  Perez  Manuscript  in  the  original,  following  it  with 
the  English  translation. 


lHist.  des  Nat.  Civ.,  II,  594,  note  1. 


187 


188 


A  STUDY  OP  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPT. 

MAY"  A. 

Lai  u  tzolan  Katun  lukci  ti  cab  ti  yotocli  Nonoual  cante  anilo  Tutul 
Xiu  ti  chikin  Zuina;  u  luumil  u  talelob  Tulapan  chiconahthan. 

1 .  Cante  bin  ti  Katun  lie  u  ximbalob  ca  uliob  uaye  yetel  Holon-Clian- 
tepeuli  yetel  u  cuchulob :  ca  liokiob  ti  petene  uaxac  Aliau  bin  yan  cuclii, 
uac  Ahau,  can  Ahau,  cabil  Abau,  co.nkal  liaab  catac  hunppel  liaab;  tumen 
bun  piztun  oxlabnn  Abau  cucbie  ca  uliob  uay  ti  petene  cankal  liaab  catac 
hunppel  liaab  tu  pakteil  yete  cu  ximbalob  lukci  tu  luumilob  ca  talob  uay  ti 
petene  Cbacnouitan  lae. 

2.  Uaxac  Abau,  uac  Abau,  cabil  Ajau;  kuchci  Cbacnouitan  Alnnekat 
Tutul  Xiu  hunppel  haab  minan  ti  hokal  haab  cuchi  yanob  Chacnouitan  lae. 

3.  Laitun  uchci  u  chicpalial  tzucubte  Ziyan-caan  lae  Bakhalal,  can 
Abau,  cabil  Abau,  oxlabun  Abau  oxkal  liaab  cu  tepalob  Ziyan-caan  ca 
emob  uay  lae;  lai  u  baabil  cu  tepalob  Bakbalal  chuulte  laitun  chicpahci 
Cbicben  Itza  lae. 

4.  Buluc  Ahau,  bolon  Ahau,  uuc  Abau,  bo  Abau,  ox  Abau,  bun  Abau 
uac  kal  liaab  cu  tepalob  Chichen  Itza  ca  paxi  Cbicben  Itza,  ca  binob  cahtal 
Cliamputun  ti  yanlii  u  yotoebob  ah  Ytzaob  kuyen  uincob  lae. 

5.  Uac  Abau,  cliucuc  u  luumil  Cbanputun,  can  Ahau,  cabil  Abau, 
oxlaliun  Ahau,  buluc  Ahau,  bolon  Ahau,  uuc  Ahau  ho  Ahau,  ox  Ahau,  hun 
Ahau,  lahea  Ahau,  lahun  Ajau,  uaxac  Ahau,  paxci  Chanputun,  oxlaliun 
kaal  haab  cu  tepalob  Cbanputun  tumenel  Ytza  uincob  ca  talob  u  tzacld  u 
yotoebob  tu  eaten,  laix  tun  u  katunil  binciob  all  Ytzaob  yalan  che  yalan 
aban  yalan  ak  ti  numyaob  lae. 

6.  Uac  Abau,  can  Abau,  ca  kal  liaabcatalob  u  hedzob  yotocli  tu  eaten 
ca  tu  zatabob  Chakanputun. 

7.  Lai  u  katunil  cabil  Ahau,  u  liedzci  cab  Ahcuitok  Tutul  Xiu  Uxmal. 
Cabil  Ahau,  oxlaliun  Abau,  buluc  Abau,  bolon  Abau,  uuc  Ahau,  bo  Ahau, 
ox  Ahau,  bun  Ahau,  lahea  Ahau,  lahun  Ahau,  lahun  kal  haab  cu  tepalob 
yetel  u  lialach  uinicil  Chichen  Itza  yetel  Mayalpan. 

8.  Lai  u  katunil  buluc  Ahau,  bolon  Ahau,  uac  Ahau,  uaxac  Ahau, 
paxci  u  lialach  uinicil  Chichen  Itza  tumenel  u  kebanthan  Uunac-eel,  ca  uch 


THOMAS.] 


THE  PEREZ  MANUSCRIPT. 


189 


ti  Cliacxib  chac  Chichen  Itza  tu  kebanthan  Hunac-eel  u  balach  uinicil 
Mayalpan  iclipae.  Cankal  liaab  catac  lahun  piz  haab,  tu  laliun  tun  uaxac 
Ahau  cucbie;  lai  u  haabil  paxci  tumenel  Ahzinte-yutclian  yetel  Tzunte-cum, 
yetel  Taxcal,  yetel  Pantemit,  Xuchu-cuet,  yetel  Ytzcuat,  yetel  Kakaltecat 
lay  u  kaba  uinicilob:  lae  nuctulob  ahmayapanob  lae. 

9.  Laili  u  katunil  uaxac  Ahau,  lai  ca  binob  u  pa  ah  Ulmil  Aliau  tume¬ 
nel  u  ualial-uahob  yetel  ah  Ytzmal  Ulil  Ahau;  lae  oxlahun  uudz  u  katunilob 
ca  paxob  tumen  Hunac-eel:  tumenel  u  dzabal  u  naatob;  uac  Ahau  ca 
dzoci;  hunkal  haab  catac  can  lahun  pizi. 

10.  Uac  Ahau,  can  Ahau,  cabil  Ahau,  oxlahun  Ahau,  buluc  Ahau, 
chucuc  u  luumil  ich  pa  Mayalpan,  tumenel  u  pach  tulum,  tumenel  multepgl 
icli  call  Mayalpan,  tumenel  Ytza  uinicob  yetel  ah  Ulmil  Ahau  lae;  can 
kaal  haab  catac  oxppel  haab;  yocol  buluc  Ahau  cucliie  paxci  Mayalpan 
tumenel  ahuitzil  dzul,  tan  call  Mayalpan. 

11.  Uaxac  Ahau  lay  paxci  Mayalpan  lai  u  katunil  uac  Ahau,  can 
Ahau,  cabil  Ahau,  lai  haab  cu  ximbal  ca  yax  mani  espanoles  u  yaxilci  caa 
luumi  Yucatan  tzucubte  lae,  oxkal  haab  paaxac  ich  pa  cucliie. 

12.  Oxlahun  Ahau,  buluc  Ahau  uchci  mayacimil  ich  pa  yetel  nohka- 
kil:  oxlahun  Ahau  cimci  Ah  pula:  uacppel  haab  u  binel  ma  dzococ  u  xocol 
oxlahun  Ahau  cucliie,  ti  yanil  u  xocol  haab  ti  lakin  cucliie,  canil  kan  cum- 
lahi  pop  tu  holhun  Zip  catac  oxppeli,  bolon  Ymix  u  kinil  lai  cimi  Ahpula; 
laitun  ano  cu  ximbal  cuchi  lae  ca  oheltabac  lay  u  xoc  numeroil  anos  lae  1536 
anos.  cucliie,  oxkal  haab  paaxac  ich  pa  cuchi  lao. 

13.  Laili  ma  dzococ  u  xocol  buluc  Ahau  lae  lai  ulci  espanoles  kul 
uincob  ti  lakin  u  talob  ca  uliob  uay  tac  luumil  lae,  bolon  Ahau  lioppci 
cristianoil  uchci  caputzihil:  laili  icliil  u  katunil  lae  ulci  yax  obispo  Toroba 
u  kaba,  lieix  ano  cu  ximbal  uchie. 

[Translation.  ] 

This  is  the  series  of  £iKatunes”  that  elapsed  from  the  time  of  their 
departure  from  the  land  and  house  of  Nonoual,  in  which  were  the  four 
Tutul  Xiu,  lying  to  the  west  of  Zuina,  going  out  of  the  country  of  Tulapan. 

§  1.  Four  epochs  were  spent  in  traveling  before  they  arrived  here  with 
Holon-Chantepeuh  and  his  followers.  When  they  began  their  journey 
toward  this  island  it  was  the  8tli  Ahau,  and  the  6th,  4th,  and  2d  were  spent 


190 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


in  traveling;  because  in  the  year  of  the  13th  Ahau  they  arrived  at  this 
island,  making  together  eiglity-one  years  they  were  traveling,  between  their 
departure  from  their  country  and  their  arrival  at  this  island  of  Chacnoui- 
tau.  (Years,  81.) 

§  2.  The  8th  Ahau,  the  6th  Ahau;  in  the  2d  Ahau  arrived  Ajmekat 
Tutul  Xiu,  and  ninety-nine  years  they  remained  in  Chacnouitan.  (Years, 
99.) 

3.  In  this  time  also  took  place  the  discovery  of  the  province  of  Ziyan- 
caan,  or  Bacalar,  the  4th  Aliau  and  2d  Ahau,  or  sixty  years,  they  had  ruled 
in  Ziyan-caan  when  they  came  here.  During  these  years  of  their  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  province  of  Bacalar  occurred  the  discovery  of  Chichen  Itza. 
(Years,  60.) 

4.  The  lltli  Ahau,  the  9tli,  7th,  5th,  3d,  and  1st  Ahau,  or  120  years, 
they  ruled  in  Chichen-Itza,  when  it  was  destroyed,  and  they  emigrated  to 
Champoton,  where  the  Itzaes,  holy  men,  had  houses.  (Years,  120.) 

5.  The  6th  Ahau  they  took  possession  of  the  territory  of  Champoton; 
the  4tli  Ahau,  2d,  13th,  11th,  9th,  7th,  5th,  3d,  1st,  12th,  10th,  and  8th 
Champoton  was  destroyed  or  abandoned.  Two  hundred  and  sixty  years, 
the  Itzaes  reigned  in  Champoton,  when  they  returned  in  search  of  their 
homes,  and  they  lived  for  several  katunes  under  the  uninhabited  mountains. 
(Years,  260.) 

6.  The  6th  Ahau,  4th  Ahau,  after  forty  years,  they  returned  to  their 
homes  once  more,  and  Champoton  was  lost  to  them.  (Years,  40.) 

7.  In  this  Katun  of  the  2d  Ahau,  Ajcuitok  Tutul  Xiu  established  him¬ 
self  in  Uxmal;  the  2d  Ahau,  the  13th,  lltli,  9th,  7th,  5tli,  3d,  1st,  the  12th 
and  10th  Ahau,  equal  to  200  years,  they  governed  in  Uxmal,  with  the  gov¬ 
ernors  of  Chichen-Itza,  and  of  Mayapan.  (Years  200.) 

8.  These  are  the  Katunes  lltli,  9th,  and  6th  Ahau.  In  the  8th 
Ahau  the  governor  of  Chichen-Itza  was  deposed,  because  he  murmured  dis¬ 
respectfully  against  Hunac-eel.  This  happened  to  Chacxibchac  of  Chichen- 
Itza,  governor  of  the  fortress  of  Mayapan.  Ninety  years  had  elapsed,  but 
the  i  Otli  year  of  the  8th  Ahau  was  the  year  in  which  he  was  overthrown  by 
Ajzinte-yutclian,  with  Tzuntecum,  Taxcal,  Pantemit,  Xuch-uenet  Ytzcuat, 
and  Kakaltecat;  these  are  the  names  of  the  seven  Mayalpanes.  (Years  90.) 


THOMAS.] 


THE  PEEEZ  MANUSCRIPT. 


191 


9.  In  the  same  Katun  of  the  8th  Ahau  they  attacked  Chief  Ulmil,  in 
consequence  of  his  quarrel  with  Ulil,  Chief  of  Yzamal;  thirteen  divisions 
of  troops  he  had  when  he  was  routed  by  Hunac-eel;  in  the  6th  Ahau  the 
war  was  over,  after  34  years.  (Years  34.) 

10.  In  the  6th  Ahau,  4th,  2d,  13th,  and  11th  Ahau,  the  fortified  terri¬ 
tory  of  Mayapan  was  invaded  by  the  men  of  Itza,  under  their  Chief  Ulmil, 
because  they  had  walls,  and  governed  in  common  the  people  of  Mayapan: 
eighty-three  years  elapsed  after  this  event,  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  1  ltli 
Ahau  Mayapan  was  destroyed  by  strangers  of  the  Uitzes,  Highlanders,  as 
was  also  Tancaj  of  Mayapan.  (Years  83.) 

11.  In  the  8th  Ahau,  Mayapan  was  destroyed,  the  epochs  of  the  6th, 
4tli,  and  2d  Ahau  elapsed,  and  at  this  period  the  Spaniards  for  the  first  time 
arrived,  and  gave  the  name  of  Yucatan  to  this  province,  sixty  years  after 
the  destruction  of  the  fortress.  (Years  60.) 

12.  The  13th  and  11th  Ahau,  pestilence  and  small-pox  were  in  the 
castles.  In  the  13th  Ahau  Chief  Ajpula  died)  this  year  was  counted 
toward  the  east  of  the  wheel,  and  began  on  the  4th  Kan.  Ajpula  died 
on  the  18th  day  of  the  month  Zip,  in  the  9th  Ymix;  and  that  it  may  be 
known  in  numbers,  it  was  the  year  1536,  sixty  years  after  the  destruction 
of  the  fortress. 

13.  Before  the  termination  of  the  lltli  Ahau  the  Spaniards  arrived. 
Holy  men  from  the  east  came  with  them  when  they  reached  the  land.  The 
9th  Ahau  was  the  commencement  of  baptism  and  Christianity;  and  in  this 
year  was  the  arrival  of  Toroba  (Toral),  the  first  bishop. 

Before  entering  upon  a  discussion  of  this  manuscript  I  will  attempt  to 
connect  the  two  chronological  systems  at  one  or  two  other  points,  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  which  we  find  some  data  left  on  record  besides  that  found  in  the 
manuscript. 

The  destruction  of  Mayapan  (the  last  one,  if  there  were  two,  as  stated 
by  this  authority)  was  an  important  event  likely  to  be  remembered  by  the 
people  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  as  it  was  the  beginning  of  a 
marked  change  in  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Yucatan,  and  occurred,  at  the 
earliest,  not  more  than  a  hundred  years  before  the  first  appearance  of  these 
invaders  on  the  coast  of  this  peninsula. 


192 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


As  I  have  already  shown,  the  important  event  alluded  to  by  Perez  as 
occurring-  in  the  year  7  Cauac  of  the  8th  Ahau,  which  he  fixes  in  1393, 
really  happened  in  1435,  as  we  see  by  correcting  the  manifest  error  of  his 
calculation.  This  event,  I  believe,  was  the  destruction  of  Mayapan,  which 
this  manuscript  asserts  took  place  in  the  8th  Ahau. 

The  two  statements  in  this  document — first  (in  the  lltli  paragraph), 
that  the  first  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  at  the  close  of  the  2d  Ahau  (1518), 
was  60  years  after  the  fall  of  Mayapan;  second  (12th  paragraph),  that  the 
year  1536  was  60  years  after  this  event — cannot  both  be  correct;  one  or  the 
other,  or  both,  must  be  erroneous.  Rejecting  the  latter,  and  counting  three 
Aliaues,  the  number  the  author  gives,  at  24  years  each,  instead  of  20  (the 
length  at  which  he  estimates  them),  we  have  72  years,  which,  deducted, 
carries  us  back  to  1446.  This  corresponds  exactly  with  Landa’s  computa¬ 
tion.  Herrera1  says  that  this  happened,  “according  to  the  reckoning  of  the 
Indians',  about  seventy  years  before  the  Spaniards  came  into  Yucatan,”  which 
would  place  it  in  1448.  According  to  the  tables  I  have  given,  the  8th  Ahau 
included  the  years  1423-1446,  which  agrees  exactly  with  Brasseur’s  calcu¬ 
lation  (Hist  des  Nat.  Civ.2),  in  which  work  he  appears  to  have  adopted  24 
years  as  the  number  to  an  Ahau,  instead  of  20,  as  in  his  notes  to  Landa  and 
the  Perez  Manuscript.  As  I  was  not  aware  of  this  fact  until  after  the  preced¬ 
ing  part  of  this  paper  was  delivered  for  publication,  I  call  attention  to  it  now, 
as  it  is  apparent  from  this  that  his  comparison  of  the  dates  of  the  two  systems 
must  agree  throughout  precisely  with  what  is  given  in  my  Table  XVII. 

If  we  are  correct  in  counting  24  years  to  an  Ahau,  then  it  is  certain 
the  8th  must  have  included  from  1423  to  1446;  and  if  the  document  referred 
to  by  Perez  (which  unfortunately  wras  lost)  was  right  in  stating  that  7  Cauac 
was  the  year  of  the  destruction,  it  occurred  in  1435. 

We  learn  from  Herrera  ( loc .  cit.)  that  this  city  was  destroyed  five  hundred 
years  after  it  was  built.  As  a  matter  of  course,  this  is  given  in  round  num¬ 
bers,  and  cannot  be  considered  as  exact;  yet  it  will  afford  some  aid  in  our 
comparison.  Deducting  500  from  1435  gives  us  the  year  935  as  the  date 
of  the  founding  of  the  city,  which  may  be  considered  as  at  least  approxi¬ 
mately  correct.  Counting  back  by  Ahaues,  we  ascertain  that  this  would  fall 
in  the  lltli  of  the  preceding  grand  cycle. 


1  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  vi,  cap.  3. 


2 II,  593. 


THOMAS. 1 


THE  PEREZ  MANUSCRIPT. 


193 


Although,  as  shown  by  Table  XVII,  the  grand  cycles,  if  counted  from 
the  year  1  of  each  period,  would  begin  with  the  1st  Ahau,  yet,  as  the 
Indians  chose,  for  some  reason,  to  begin  these  periods  with  the  13th,  our 
calculations  must  correspond  with  this  arbitrary  selection.  I  therefore  give 
here  a  brief  table  of  cycles,  with  the  corresponding  years  of  our  era,  run¬ 


ning  backward : 

Years. 

Fourth  grand  cycle . 1519-1830 

Third  grand  cycle . 1207-1518 

Second  grand  cycle .  895-1206 

First  grand  cycle . ! . .  583-  894 


The  numbers  given  the  grand  cycles  are  (for  the  present,  at  least)  arbi¬ 
trary,  given  simply  as  a  means  of  reference.  We  see  from  this  table  that 
the  year  935  would  fall  in  the  grand  cycle  numbered 2,  and,  as  before  stated, 
in  the  11th  Ahau.  Referring  to  this  manuscript  again,  we  see  that  Mayapan 
is  first  mentioned  in  the  7th  paragraph,  where  it  is  stated  that  “the  2d  Ahau, 
13th,  11th,  9th,  7th,  5th,  3d,  1st,  12th,  and  10th  Ahau,  200  years,  they  [the 
Tutul  Xiu]  governed  in  Uxmal  with  the  governors  of  Chichen-Itza  and 
Mayapan .” 

Here  we  find  our  11th  with  but  two  Ahaues  preceding  it,  or,  as  we 
judge  from  the  preceding  clause — “In  this  Katun  of  the  2d  Ahau”— -but 
one  and  part  of  another.  Supposing  Mayapan  to  have  been  in  existence  at 
the  commencement  of  the  periods  here  named,  it  would  carry  us  back  only 
some  forty  or  fifty  years  beyond  Herrera’s  general  statement;  but  this  is 
more  than  accounted  for  by  the  difference  in  the  estimated  length  of  the 
Ahau. 

If  we  count  the  Ahaues  necessary  to  complete  the  number  from  the  2d 
in  the  commencement  of  the  seventh  paragraph  to  the  2d  in  the  eleventh 
paragraph  when  the  Spaniards  first  appeared,  filling  up  the  lacunae  and 
making  the  correction  in  the  eighth  paragraph  suggested  by  Dr.  Valentini, 
we  shall  find  the  number  to  be  as  follows: 

2,  13,  11,  9,  7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2. 

13,  11,  9,  7,  5,  3,  1,  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2. 

Making  27  Ahaues,  or  648  years. 

13  M  T 


194 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TRAONO. 


Deducting  this  from  1518,  the  time  when  the  Spaniards  appeared  on 
the  coast,  it  carries  us  back  to  the  year  870.  If  carried  back  only  to  the  first 
year  of  the  lltli  of  the  first  series,  it  gives  the  year  918,  which  differs  but 
17  years  from  the  date  (935)  given  above  from  Herrera’s  statement,  a  differ¬ 
ence  less  than  one  Ahau.  I  am  inclined,  therefore,  to  believe  the  first  line 
of  the  8th  paragraph  properly  belongs  to  the  7th,  and  that  it  was  the  inten¬ 
tion  of  the  writer  to  say  that  “with  the  governors  of  Chichen-Itza  and 
Mayapan  these  Katunes,  11th,  9th  to  the  6th.”  In  the  8th  Ahau  trouble 
arose  between  the  parties  to  the  compact,  but  the  war  did  not  end  until  in 
the  6th.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  the  chronicler’s  data  mentioned  the 
1 1th  Ahau  as  the  beginning  of  the  compact,  and  that  this  was  near  the  time 
when  Mayapan  was  built. 

According  to  Herrera,  Chichen-Itza  was  already  in  existence  when 
Cuculkan  appeared  and  founded  Mayapan.  He  further  states  that  “whilst 
the  Cocomes  [who  were  given  authority  immediately  after  Cuculkan’s  de¬ 
parture]  lived  in  this  regular  manner,  there  came  from  the  southward,  and 
the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  Lacando,  great  numbers  of  people,  looked 
upon  for  certain  to  have  been  of  the  province  of  Chiapa,  who  traveled  forty 
years  about  the  deserts  of  Yucatan,  and  at  length  arrived  at  the  mountains 
that  are  almost  opposite  to  the  city  of  Mayapan,  where  they  settled  and 
raised  good  structures,  and  the  people  of  Mayapan  some  years  after,  liking 
their  way  of  living,  sent  to  invite  them  to  build  houses  for  their  lords  in 
the  city.  The  Tutul-Xiu,  so  the  strangers  were  called,  accepting  of  their 
courtesy,  came  into  the  city,  and  their  people  spread  about  the  country,  sub¬ 
mitting  themselves  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  Mayapan,  in  such  peaceable 
manner  that  they  had  no  sort  of  weapons,  killing  their  game  with  gins  and 
traps.”  ( Loc .  cit.) 

This  agrees  precisely  with  the  order  of  events  in  the  Manuscript,  except 
that  nothing  is  mentioned  corresponding  with  the  40  }rears  of  the  6th  para¬ 
graph 

In  the  prophecy  by  Nahau  Pecli,  preserved  in  Lizana’s  work  and  copied 
by  Brasseur  into  the  chrestomathy  of  his  Maya  grammar,  these  passages 
occur: 

“We  have  come  now  to  the  fourth  period,”  or  perhaps  more  correctly, 


THOMAS.  ] 


THE  PEREZ  MANUSCRIPT. 


195 


3.  “  The  time  to  the  fourth  series  of  epochs  draws  to  a  close,” 

4.  “In  which  shall  be  ushered  in  the  day  of  the  true  God.”  Also, 

8.  “Such  is  the  prophecy  of  Nahau  Pech,  the  priest, 

9.  “At  the  time  of  the  fourth  great  cycle  ( Ahau  Katun). 

10.  “In  the  commencement  actual  of  the  series  of  epochs.”* 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 

The  rendering  of  JKatunil ,  here  translated  “series  of  epochs,”  is  uncer¬ 
tain.  In  Stephens’s  translation  of  the  Perez  Manuscript  it  is  sometimes  ren¬ 
dered  “Katunes,”  sometimes  “Katun”;  in  Brasseur’s translation,  “periods,” 
“cycle,”  and  in  Lizana’s,  “edades”  or  ages  The  definition  of  the  word  as 
given  in  Brasseur’s  lexicon  (it  is  not  found  in  full  in  Perez’s  lexicon)  is 
“Ensemble  des  dpoques  ou  cycles.” 

It  is  true  that  “Ahau  Katun”  is  sometimes  used  as  equivalent  to 
“Ahau,”  but  this  is  very  rarely,  if  ever,  found  in  the  few  Maya  documents 
that  remain  to  us.  The  true  rendering  appears  to  be  “Grand  or  Great 
Cycle,”  as  given  in  the  9th  line  of  Nahau  Pech’s  prophecy.  If  this  inter¬ 
pretation,  which  is  that  given  by  Abbe  Brasseur,  is  the  correct  one,  we  then 
find  here  the  number  of  one  of  the  great  cycles.  To  suppose  that  the 
number  here  refers  to  the  Ahau  will  carry  this  prophecy  back  to  the  year 
1470— ’71,  which  is  improbable. 

The  prophecy  of  Chilam  Balam  commences  with  Ox  lahun  ahau  u 
hedzinil  Jcatun,  the  literal  translation  of  which  is,  according  to  Brasseur, 
“The  thirteenth  Ahau  its  foundation  of  the  Katun”;  probably  equivalent  to 
Lizana’s  Spanish  “In  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  age.” 

It  is  obvious  from  the  contents  of  this  prophecy  that  it  was  made  after 
the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  that  country,  and  after  their  appearance  and 
religion  became  known;  hence,  as  it  was  delivered  in  the  13th  Ahau,  it 
must  have  been  between  the  years  1518  and  1541.  It  is  not  probable  that 

1  Dr.  Brinton,  following  Lizana,  translates  the  whole  prophecy  as  follows : 

1.  “  What  time  the  sun  shall  brightest  shine, 

2.  Tearful  will  be  the  eyes  of  the  king. 

3.  Four  ages  yet  shall  be  inscribed, 

4.  Then  shall  come, the  holy  priest,  the  holy  god. 

5.  With  grief  I  speak  what  now  I  see. 

6.  Watch  well  the  road  ye  dwellers  in  Itza. 

7.  The  master  of  the  earth  shall  come  to  us. 

8.  Thus  prophecies  Nahau  Pech,  the  seer, 

9.  In  the  days  of  the  fourth  age, 

10.  At  the  time  of  its  beginning.” 


196 


A  STUDY  OF  TriE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


the  one  by  Nahau  Pech  (a  well-known  family  at  the  time  of  Montejo’s 
arrival)  is  many  years  older,  probably  dating  the  first  year  of  the  13th 
Ahau,  which  would,  according  to  his  statement,  be  the  first  of  the  4th  great 
cycle. 

If  we  assume  that  these  great  periods  were  numbered  in  regular  order, 
1,  2,  3,  4,  which  is  more  than  probable,  as  they  were  but  seldom  referred 
to,  then  we  have  evidence  here  that  the  Itzae  record  ran  back  three  great 
cycles — 936  years  before  the  year  A.  D.  1519,  that  is  to  the  year  583  of 
the  Christian  era.  In  order  that  we  may  compare  this  calculation  with  the 
manuscript,  I  will  give  here  a  list  of  the  Ahaues,  commencing  with  number 
8,  previous  to  the  beginning  of  the  1st  great  cycle  as  counted  after  Nahau 
Pech,  with  the  years  of  the  Christian  era  corresponding  to  their  last  years. 


First  Great 
Cycle. 

Ahaues. 

Last  years. 

13th 

606 

11th 

630 

9th 

654 

7  th 

678 

5th 

702 

3d 

726 

1st 

750 

12th 

774 

10th 

798 

8th 

822 

6th 

846 

4th 

870 

2d 

894 

Second  Great 
Cycle. 

W 

cS 

OQ 

<V 

2 

4-> 

m 

c§ 

< 

Hi 

13th 

918 

11th 

942 

9th 

966 

7th 

990 

5th 

1014 

3d 

1038 

1st 

1062 

12  th 

1086 

10th 

1110 

8th 

1134 

6  th 

1158 

4th 

1182 

2d 

1206  • 

Third  Great 
Cycle. 

Ahaues. 

Last  years. 

13th 

1230 

11th 

1254 

9th 

1278 

7th 

1302 

5th 

1326 

3d 

1350 

1st 

1374 

12th 

1398 

10th 

1422 

8th 

1446 

6th 

1470 

4th 

1494 

2d 

1518 

Ahaues  preced¬ 
ing. 

Ahaues. 

Last  years. 

10th 

486 

8  th* 

510 

6th 

534 

4th 

558 

2d 

582 

The  three  great  cycles  completed  at  the  time  of  Nahau  Pech’s  proph¬ 
ecy  (if  such  be  the  proper  interpretation  of  his  words)  I  presume  beign 


THOMAS.  1 


THE  PEREZ  MANUSCRIPT. 


197 


with  the  founding  of  Chichen  Itza,  which,  according  to  my  calculation, 
would  be  about  583-606  (the  13th  Ahau).  It  is  a  little  remarkable  that 
the  first  mention  of  this  city  occurs  in  the  close  of  the  third  paragraph, 
exactly  where  the  13th  Ahau  must  be  inserted  to  fill  a  hiatus. 

The  number  of  years  given  and  periods  mentioned  in  the  first  three 
paragraphs  cannot  by  any  possible  explanation  be  made  to  agree  with  each 
other.  This  part  of  the  history  of  the  Tutul-Xiu  race  is  doubtless  made  up 
from  a  dim  tradition  in  reference  to  which  no  chronological  statement  could 
be  made.  As  any  attempt  to  determine  the  length  of  time  they  were 
wandering,  from  the  date  of  their  departure  from  Tulapan  until  they  settled 
at  Chichen-Itza,  would  be  wholly  conjectural,  we  will,  perhaps,  be  as  near 
right  as  any  other  guess,  if  we  assume  that  the  8th  Ahau  of  the  second 
paragraph  is  the  same  as  the  8th  of  the  first,  in  other  words,  that  the  num¬ 
bers  in  the  second  are  but  a  recapitulation  of  those  in  the  first,  and  that 
the  13th  in  the  latter  is  the  one  which  precedes  the  lltli  in  the  fourth  para¬ 
graph.  Supposing  the}7  started  on  their  travels  in  the  8th  Ahau,  this  would 
bring  this  event  between  the  years  486-510. 

As  the  author  of  this  manuscript  counted  twenty  years  to  an  Ahau  and 
I  count  twenty-four,  our  lists  cannot  possibly  agree.  If  there  are  any 
numbers  given,  connected  with  particular  and  noted  events,  which  numbers 
were  given  in  the  author’s  data,  with  these  my  enumeration,  if  correct, 
might  coincide.  The  fall  of  Mayapan  in  the  8th  Ahau,  the  appearance  of 
the  Spaniards  on  the  coast  in  the  2d,  and  the  death  of  Ajpula  in  the  13th, 
I  think  may  be  relied  upon  as  events  correctly  dated. 

If  we  count  the  years  enumerated  from  the  2d  Ahau  in  the  seventh 
paragraph,  where  Mayapan  is  first  mentioned,  to  the  8th,  in  the  eleventh 
paragraph,  when  the  second  destruction  of  this  city  occurred,  we  find  the 
number  to  be  367;  adding  in  the  missing  epochs  at  twenty  years  each,  we 
have  527,  which  agrees  very  well  with  Herrera’s  statement.  But  this  gives 
us  something  over  twenty-six  of  these  periods,  whereas  the  correct  number 
would  be  twenty-two.  The  exact  numbers  (of  years)  given  in  the  ninth 
and  tenth  paragraphs  render  it  possible  that  these  were  obtained  from  the 
author’s  data. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


INSCRIPTIONS  ON  THE  PALENQUE  TABLET. 

In  referring  to  the  Tablet  I  will  make  use  of  Dr.  Rau’s  scheme  of  num¬ 
bering  and  lettering  the  characters  which  is  given  below.  In  order  to  avoid 
introducing  small  cuts  of  separate  characters,  I  have  requested  that  a  copy 
of  his  plate  of  the  entire  Tablet  be  inserted  (Plate  IX). 

A  slight  examination  of  this  tablet  is  sufficient  to  convince  anv  one 

a/ 

familiar  with  the  characters  of  the  Manuscript  Troano  that  there  are  here 
symbols  of  days  and  months  corresponding  almost  exactly  with  those  of 
that  work.  Whether  the  Maya  calendar  was  the  one  used  cannot  be  deter¬ 
mined  with  certainty,  but  that  it  was  very  similar  cannot  be  doubted.  I 
shall  assume  for  the  present  that  it  was,  but  in  order  that  the  reader  may 
have  before  him  the  data  necessary  for  comparison  will  introduce  here  the 
names  of  the  days  of  the  Chiapan  (or  Tzendal)  and  Soconuscan  calendar  in 
the  order  given  by  Veytia,  and  also  of  the  Quiche  and  Cakchiquel  calen¬ 
dars  as  given  by  Bancroft. 

Chiapan  (Tzendal  ?)  and  Soconuscan.  Quiche  and  Cakchiquel. 


Yotan. 

Imox. 

Chanan  or  Ghanan. 

Ig- 

Abali  or  Abagli. 

Akbal. 

Tox. 

Qat. 

JV)  oxic. 

Can. 

Lambat. 

Carney. 

Molo  or  Mulu. 

Quieli. 

Elab  or  Elali. 

Ganel. 

Batz. 

Toh. 

Evob  or  Enob. 

Tzy. 

Been. 

Batz. 

Hix. 

Ci. 

Tziquin. 

All. 

198 


THOMAS.] 


THE  PALENQUE  TABLET. 


199 


Chiapan  (Tzendal?)  and  Soconuscan.  Quiche  and  Cakchiquel. 


Ckabin  or  Ohahin. 

Yiz  or  Itz. 

Chic  or  Chiue. 

Tziquin. 

Cliiuax. 

Akmak. 

Cakogli  or  Cabogk. 

Nob. 

Agkual. 

Tikaz. 

Imox  or  Mox. 

Caok. 

Igk  or  Ygh. 

Huuakpu. 

I  shall  take  for  granted  that  the  inscription  commences  with  the  large 
character  in  the  upper  left-hand  corner,  but  whether  it  is  to  he  read  in  col¬ 
umns  from  top  to  bottom,  or  in  lines  from  left  to  right,  remains  to  be  dis¬ 
cussed  ;  the  tendency  of  belief  at  present  appears  to  be  that  it  is  to  be  read 
in  lines  from  left  to  right. 

As  I  have  demonstrated,  satisfactorily  to  myself  at  least,  that  in  the 
Manuscript  Troano  the  characters  are,  as  a  general  rule,  placed  in  columns 
to  be  read  from  the  top  downwards,  but  that,  where  circumstances  require 
it,  they  are  placed  in  lines  to  be  read  from  left  to  right,  we  will  be  justified 


M 


«□ 

2Q 


N  0  P  Q 


2 

3 


□  ' 
□  2 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 
7 
3 

9 

10 
1 1 
12 

13 

14 

15 
IS 
17 


Fig.  101. — Dr.  Rau’s  index  diagram  of  the  inscription. 

0 


in  assuming  the  same  rule  applies  to  this  tablet,  especially  as  we  here  see 
single  columns  and  single  lines.  But  let  us  examine  the  inscription  care¬ 
fully  and  see  if  we  can  find  anything  in  it  that  will  aid  us  in  deciding  this 


200 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


point.  In  doing  so  we  may  profit  by  the  facts  learned  in  reference  to  the 
Manuscript  Troano  on  this  subject,  and  the  method  of  comparing  characters 
used  by  Professor  Holden  in  his  “Studies  in  Central  American  Picture 
Writing.”1 


Referring  to  the  Palenquean  group  as  shown  in  Plate  IX,  we  observe 
that  the  first  seven  characters  of  the  two  columns  immediately  below  the 
large  initial  are  united  so  that  each  forms  one  compound  character.  If  read 
in  columns  the  natural  inference  from  this  would  be  that  the  remaining 
characters  of  these  two  columns  are  to  be  read  by  twos,  thus:  A  10  and  B  10 
(Dr.  Rau’s  scheme),  then  A  1 1  and  B  11,  next  A  12  and  B  12,  and  so  on  to 
the  bottom.  If  this  supposition  be  correct,  then  it  is  more  than  likely  that 
the  remaining  columns  on  the  side  tablets  are  to  be  read  in  the  same  way, 
a  view  favored  by  the  fact  that  each  one  of  these  tablets  contains  six  columns. 

I  call  attention  now  to  characters  D  13,  C  14,  and  D  14,  which  are  often 
repeated  in  the  inscription,  varying  only  in  the  numerals — dots,  or  balls,  and 
lines  placed  at  the  top  and  left  side.  If  we  represent  these  characters  by 
letters  thus:  D  13  by  a,  C  14  by  b,  and  D  14  by  c,  we  have  here  this  order 


a 

b 

c 

.  Referring  now  to  E  5,  F  5,  and  E  6,  we  find  the  same  three  charac¬ 


ters  following  each  other  in  the  same  order,  but  placed  thus: 


a 

b 

c 

,  and, 


what  is  significant,  if  we  include  the  next,  F  6,  we  have  the  right  portion 
of  the  first  four  (of  the  seven)  double  characters,  but  the  order  is  reversed. 
At  F  15,  E  16,  and  F  16  we  again  have  our  three  characters  a,  b ,  c .  In  the 
single  column  R  we  see  a  and  b.  At  S  6  and  T  6  we  have  the  three,  but 
here  b  and  c  are  united  in  one  compound  character.  At  S  12  and  T  12  we 
see  a  and  b ;  at  U  3,  V  3,  and  U  4;  also  at  U  8,  V  8,  and  U  9 ;  also  Y  1 3,  U  1 4, 
and  V  14;  at  W  1,  X  1,  and  W  2,  and  at  X  1 1,  W  12,  and  X  12,  we  find  the 
same  three  characters  following  each  other  in  the  same  order.  We  shall 
hunt  in  vain  for  any  such  combination  of  these  characters  between  the  sec¬ 
ond  and  third  or  fourth  and  fifth  columns  of  either  slab,  nor  can  we  find 
the  three  following  each  other  in  any  column  or  line  except  in  the  four 
double  characters. 


First  Ann.  Rep.  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 


U.  S.  G.  AND  G.  SURVEY.  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO  PI.  IX. 


j  - 

r  r 

V 

felL- 

- 

— _ 

The  Palenquean  Group  op  the  Cross.  From  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  Vol.  XXII. 


THOMAS.] 


THE  PALENQUE  TABLET. 


201 


As  another  example  we  select  the  two  characters,  S  1  and  T  1,  which 
are  often  found  associated;  as  at  U  6,  V  6;  U  16,  Y  16;  W  3,  X  3;  and 
at  W  17  and  X  17,  we  find  them  in  the  same  line,  but  always  in  the  two 
columns  tfiey  should  be,  if  the  theory  above  advanced  as  to  the  order 
in  which  the  inscription  is  to  be  read  be  correct.  If  the  first  of  these 
two  characters  (which  we  may  designate  by  m  and  n)  should  fall  in  the 
right  of  the  two  associate  columns,  then  the  other  should  be  one  line  lower 


in  the  left  of  the  two  columns,  thus: 


m 

n 

Such  we  find  to  be  the  case 


by  referring  to  T  7,  S  8,  to  T  lb,  S  16,  and  V  1 1,  U  12.  But  the  evidence 
does  not  stop  here.  By  examining  Dr.  Rail’s  photograph  of  the  right  tablet, 
we  may  extend  this  combination.  We  observe  that  S  6,  our  a,  and  T  6, 
our  b  and  c  combined,  are  followed  in  S  7  by  a  character  not  heretofore 
alluded  to.  This  we  will  designate  by  d.  Following  these,  at 
T  7  is  our  m,  at  S  8  our  n ,  and  at  T  8  Kan ,  as  shown  in  the 
annexed  diagram  1. 

Commencing  with  V  13  we  find  the  same  combination, 
except  that  one  additional  character  is  introduced  thus:  V  13  a, 

U  14  b,  V  14  c ,  U  15  d,  V  15  x ,  (the  introduced  character  is  x,)  U  16  m, 
V  16  n,  U  17  Kan,  as  shown  in  diagram  2. 

Referring  now  to  the  figure  of  the  Tablet  on  the  back 
wall  of  Altar  Casa  No  3,  forming  the  frontispiece  of  Stephen’s 
“Central  America,”  Vol.  II,  we  see  that  there  are  four  columns 
of  characters  on  each  side.  At  the  bottom  of  the  second  col¬ 
umn  of  the  right  side  we  find  our  character  a,  and  at  the  top 
of  columns  three  and  four  our  characters  b  and  c  precisely  as 
they  should  follow  according  to  our  theory. 

Turning  again  to  our  Plate  IN  and  going  over  the  entire  inscription  in 
this  way,  taking  two  columns  together,  thus,  AB,  CD,  EF,  ST,  UV,  and 
WX,  we  shall  find  frequent  repetitions  of  such  combinations,  not  to  be 
found  in  any  other  way.  The  full  force  of  this  statement  cannot  be  under¬ 
stood  except  by  a  thorough  and  careful  study  of  the  plate.  If  I  am  cor- 


a 

b 

c 

d 

X 

m 

n 

Kan 

2. 


a 

b 

c 

d 

m 

n 

Kan 

202 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


rect  in  this  opinion  we  will  thereby  be  enabled  to  determine  some  doubtful 
characters,  as,  for  example,  that  F  7,  E  8  are  the  same  as  S  1,  T  1,  &c. 

According-  to  this  theory,  the  lines  and  columns  in  the  middle  portion 
of  the  Tablet  should  be  read  from  the  left  to  the  right  along  the  lines  until 
a  column  is  reached,  and  then  down  the  column  thus:  G,  II,  I,  K,  to  L,  and 
then  down  the  L  column;  down  the  0  column  then  P  and  Q.  Now,  let  us 
test  this  :  In  0  3  we  see  the  hand  of  our  character  m,  although  the  loop  is  to 
the  right.  If  it  is  the  same  as  m,  then  P  1  should  be  our  n;  but  the  char¬ 
acter  as  given  by  Cathei  wood  is  too  imperfect  to  see  any  resemblance.  But 
if  we  turn  to  Wal  deck’s  plate  or  Dr.  Eau’s  copy  (Palenque  Tablet,  p.  33,  Fig. 
7),  we  see  the  head  and  protruding  tongue  characteristic  of  character  n. 

These  facts,  I  think,  are  sufficient  to  establish  the  correctness  of  my 
theory. 

The  lines  and  dots  at  the  left  and  on  the  top  of  the  characters  I  am 
satisfied  are  numerals  having  the  same  signification  as  those  in  the  Manu¬ 
script — that  is,  a  single  dot  1;  two  dots,  2,  and  so  on;  a  single  line,  5;  two 
lines,  10,  and  so  on.  Those  on  the  top  of  the  characters  I  think  correspond 
with  the  red  numerals  in  the  Manuscript,  for  if  we  examine  them  we  find 
none  of  them  exceed  thirteen.  Those  on  the  side  I  think  refer  in  some 
cases  to  the  number  of  the  month,  in  others  to  the  day  of  the  month  or  the 
number  of  the  day.  Where  the  character  is  the  s}rmbol  of  a  day,  and  has 
numerals  also  on  top,  those  on  the  side  I  think  refer  to  the  number  of  the 
month,  as  they  never  exceed  1 8.  When  the  character  is  the  symbol  of  a 
month,  then,  they  denote  the  day  of  the  month,  as  we  see  that  in  some  cases 
they  exceed  18,  but  never  exceed  20.  Where  the  character  is  the  symbol 
of  a  day  and  has  numerals  at  the  side  only,  these  I  think  denote  the  number 
of  the  day,  as  they  never  exceed  13.  The  little  balls  and  loops  at  the 
bottom,  and  also  the  loops  so  frequent  at  the  left  side,  and  occasionally 
found  on  the  top  of  the  characters,  have. been,  and  to  a  certain  extent  are 
yet,  a  profound  mystery;  but  a  careful  study  of  the  little  loops  at  the  left 
side,  and  also  of  part  of  those  at  the  top,  will  show  that  they  have  no  sig¬ 
nification  whatever,  but  are  left  to  fill  out  the  squares  and  to  form  supports 
or  guards  to  the  little  ball  (or  balls) — or  numeral  character  for  1  (or  2) — in 
connection  with  which  they  are  chiefly  used.  If  we  examine  the  inscrip- 


THOMAS.  1 


THE  PALENQUE  TABLET. 


203 


tion  carefully,  we  shall  find  that  they  are  never  placed  at  the  left  where  the 
outer  or  left  line  of  the  numeral  character  is  3,  4,  or  5.  On  the  contrary, 
they  are  always  (with  two  exceptions)  present  where  the  left  numeral  line 
is  one — that  is,  a  single  dot — and  occasionally  where  there  are  two. 

The  exceptions  are  R  2  and  T  2;  but  an  examination  of  the  tablet  in  the 
National  Museum  shows  very  clearly  that  they  have  been  broken  off  the 
latter  and  that  they  were  probably  originally  on  the  former.  Why  do  they 
accompany  only  those  numerals  with  one  or  two  dots  at  the  left  and  no 
others?  My  answer  is,  simply  to  complete  the  square.  This  will  probably 
explain  the  presence  of  small  characters  or  irregular  balls  on  the  foreheads 
of  some  of  the  heads.  The  loops  and  balls  at  the  bottom  of  the  characters 
probably  have  some  particular  signification,  as  something  similar  is  observed 
in  the  Manuscripts,  as,  for  example,  under  the  symbol  for  the  month  Pax. 

I  will  now  ask  the  reader  to  refer  to  Plate  IX,  representing  the  tablet. 
He  will  observe  on  each  side  and  near  to  the  upright  of  the  cross  two  char¬ 
acters — four  in  all,  two  in  the  column  marked  M  and  two  in  that  marked 
N.  He  is  aware,  from  what  has  been  shown  in  the  previous  part  of  this 
paper,  that  in  the  Tro.  Manuscript  each  division  of  the  plates,  or  each 
compartment,  has  at  the  left  a  column  of  days,  usually  five  in  number, 
though  in  a  few  instances  there  are  but  four.  The  four  symbols  by  the 
cross  I  think  are  for  precisely  the  same  purpose  as  these  day  columns,  and 
that  the  numeral  five,  at  the  side  of  each,  probably  corresponds  with  that 
placed  over  the  columns.  As  the  upper  left-hand  character  (M  1)  is  Bzanab , 
the  equivalent  of  Chinax  in  the  Chiapan  calendar,  which,  according  to 
Yeytia’s  list,  is  one  of  the  year-bearers,  we  might  presume  the  four  repre¬ 
sent  the  four  year-bearers,  Votan,  Larnbat,  Been,  and  Climax ,  or  their  Maya 
equivalents  Alibal,  Lamat,  Been,  and  JEzanab.  But  one  objection  to  this  sup¬ 
position  is  that  the  lower  character  at  the  right  (N  2)  does  not  correspond 
with  the  symbol  of  either  of  these  days,  but  appears  to  be  the  same  as  (B 
10)  on  the  left  slab,  which  is  probably  Cimi  of  the  Maya  or  Tox  of  the 
Chiapan  list  of  days.  But  in  these  four  characters  Catherwood,  usually  so 
accurate,  appears  to  be  at  fault,  and  Waldeck  correct. 

Turning  now  to  the  general  inscription  on  the  left  and  right,  I  will 
endeavor  to  pick  out  and  name  the  day  characters,  first  notifying  the  reader 


204 


A  STCDT  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


that  there  are  two  classes  of  these,  one  with  numerals  at  the  left  side  only, 
the  other  with  numerals  both  above  and  at  the  side. 

The  little  loops  are  not  counted  as  units  except  when  I  am  satistied 
from  an  examination  of  the  right  slab  in  the  museum  that  they  denote 
spaces  from  which  the  balls  have  fallen.  Where  I  am  satisfied  the  charac¬ 
ter  represents  a  day,  but  cannot  determine  what  day,  this  fact  will  be  indi¬ 
cated  by  an  interrogation-point;  the  names  in  reference  to  which  I  am  in 
considerable  doubt  will  also  be  followed  by  an  interrogation-point.  The 
capital  letters  with  numbers  attached  are  given  to  locate  the  characters  by 
Dr.  Rail’s  scheme. 


Bays  indicated  on  the  Tablet ,  with  their  accompanying  numerals. 


B  10.  The  day  5  Cimi. 

B  16.  The  day  13 - 1 

C  0.  The  day  13  Manik  1 
D  1.  The  day  %  Chuen,  %  month. 

1)  5.  The  day  9  Chuen,  2d  month. 

D  13.  The  day  12  Chuen,  !?  month. 

E  10.  The  day  7  Chuen,  2d  month. 

F  11.  The  day  3 - ?  (Oc .?). 

F  15.  The  day  7  Chuen,  13th  month. 

L  7.  The  day  8 - ?,  12th  month. 

E  5.  The  day  11  Chuen,  2d  ?  month. 

S  4.  The  day  5 - °L 

S  11.  The  day  ?  Lamat. 

S  14.  The  day  2 - 1 

T  2.  The  day  11  Kan. 

T  10.  The  day  6 - 1 

T  17.  The  day  8  Allan. 

U  7.  The  day  3  Ezanab. 

U  10.  The  day  5  Ahau?. 

Y  7.  The  day  11 - 1 

Y  12.  The  day  5 - ?. 

W  1.  The  day  4  Chuen,  17th  month. 
X  5.  The  day  2  Ymix. 

X  L0.  The  day  7  Kan. 

X  14.  The  day  3  Eb,  11th  month. 


A  10.  The  day  1  Ahau. 

C  2.  The  day  8 - ?. 

C  11.  The  day  10 - 1 

D  3.  The  day  4  Ahau. 

D  11.  The  day  8 - ?  (Eb?). 

E  1.  The  day  9  Manik  1 
E  9.  The  day  9  Manik  ?. 

F  10.  The  day  10 - ?. 

F  12.  The  day  9  Manik  ?. 

Gr  1.  The  day  9 - ?. 

O  1.  The  day  8  Muluc. 

S  6.  The  day  5  Chuen,  14th  month. 
S  12.  The  day  3  Chuen,  9th  month. 

S  15.  The  day  6  Chuen,  3d  month. 

T  8.  The  day  1  Kan. 

T  14.  The  day  10 - i 

U  3.  The  day  1  Chuen,  18th  month. 
U  8.  The  day  10  ?  Chuen,  18th  month. 
U  17.  The  day  5  Kan. 

Y  10.  The  day  ?  Chuen,- 3d  month. 

V  13.  The  day  C  Chuen,  16th  month. 
W 15.  The  day  8  Chuen,  2d  month. 

X  6.  The  day  1  Chuen,  1st  month. 

X  11.  The  day  4  Chuen,  7th  month. 

It  2.  The  day  11  Chuen,  6th  month. 


Of  this  list,  T  10,  T  14,  and  V  7  may  represent  the  month  Xul  instead 
of  a  day.  It  is  possible  that  C  5  (8  Cauac?),  F  6  (2  Cauac),  and  U  2  (9 
Cauac)  should  be  added  to  the  list  as  representing  the  days  noted  in  paren¬ 
thesis.  The  day  Chuen  appears  to  be  much  oftener  indicated  than  any 


THOMAS.] 


THE  PALENQUE  TABLET. 


205 


other.  We  shall  also  find  that  the  same  thing  is  true  in  reference  to  one  of 
the  months.  I  am  in  great  doubt  as  to  the  character  rendered  Manik, 
which  here  resembles  the  Greek  tau.  S  14  is  probably  the  symbol  of 
Larnat 

One  singular  fact  to  be  noticed  is  that  the  form  of  the  Kan  symbol — 
for  example,  U  17,  as  given  in  Dr.  Rau’s«photograph — is  more  like  Landa’s 
figure  than  the  Kan  symbol  in  the  Tro  Manuscript. 

As  I  find  no  month  characters  in  the  Manuscript  to  assist  me  in  judg¬ 
ing  of  the  variations  in  form,  and  as  I  have  not  thoroughly  studied  those 
in  the  Codex,  I  feel  greater  uncertainty  as  to  those  found  on  the  Tablet 
than  I  do  in  regard  to  the  day  characters.  Pax  seems  to  be  the  montli 
oftenest  represented ;  in  fact,  but  few  others  appear  to  be  indicated.  The 
following  characters  I  think  represent  this  month: 

C  14,  F  5,  R  3,  T  12,  U  14,  V  3,  V  8,  W  7,  X  1,  and  X  15. 

The  following  are  also  probably  month  symbols : 

F  1,  L  9,  T  4,  U  1,  V  17,  W  11. 

I  am  satisfied  from  the  presence  of  numerals  that  there  are  other  day 
and  month  symbols  than  those  mentioned,  but  on  account  of  my  doubt  as 
to  which  class  they  belong  will  not  attempt  now  to  decide. 

If  the  reader  will  examine  carefully  the  character  V  14,  especially  on 
Dr.  Rau’s  photograph,  he  will  see  that  it  is  almost  identical  with  that  in  the 
Manuscript  I  have  rendered  pecuah  “tortilla  of  maize”  (see  Fig.  64). 

Comparing  this  with  the  large  initial,  we  find  but  a  slight  difference 
between  the  two;  in  the  latter  the  comb-like  figures  are  drawn  down  to  the 
sides  and  the  loops  are  placed  above.  In  this  the  form  of  the  central  oval 
is  not  to  be  relied  upon  as  strictly  correct,  as  the  lines  are  too  freely 
rounded ;  still  we  presume  it  is  slightly  different  from  the  little  upper  circle 
in  V  14.  Supposing  the  Maya  language  to  have  been  used,  and  the  char¬ 
acters  on  the  Tablet  to  have  the  same  signification  as  similar  characters  in 
the  Manuscript,  we  should  find  in  this  initial  sounds  closely  resembling 
those  in  pecuah ;  as  the  bars  are  interlaced,  I  presume  the  first  syllable  should 
he  peek  or  pack.  Turning  to  Landa’s  Relacion  (264),  we  find  that  “In  the 
month  Pax  they  [the  Mayas]  celebrated  a  festival  named  Pacumchac,  on  which 
occasion  the  chiefs  and  priests  of  the  inferior  villages  assembling  with  those  of 


206 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


the  more  important  towns,  having  joined  together,  they  passed  into  the  tem¬ 
ple  of  Citchaccoli,”  &ed  If  we  interpret  this  character  Pacumcliac ,  we  at  once 
hnd  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  repeated  occurrence  of  the  symbol  tor 
Pax  in  the  inscription.  From  Landa’s  description,  which  is  somewhat  con¬ 
fused,  I  judge  this  was  one  of  their  chief  festivals,  but  nothing  appears  in 
his  statement  that  accords  with  tljp  scene  on  the  middle  slab.  This,  how¬ 
ever,  cannot  be  properly  urged  as  an  objection  to  my  rendering;  first, 
because  there  were  doubtless  many  formalities  which  he  does  not  mention; 
second ,  because  the  ceremonies  of  this  festival  as  practiced  at  Palenque  may 
have  been  quite  different  from  those  observed  by  Landa;  third ,  there  are 
some  reasons  for  believing,  even  from  Landa’s  words,  that  during  this  festival 
petitions  for  rain  and  abundant  crops  were  offered.  I  presume  also  that 
during  this  festival  took  place  the  rejoicing  over  the  first  fruits  of  the  maize 
harvest.  I  may  as  well  state  here  as  elsewhere  that  I  do  not  think  the 
offering  made  by  the  priest  on  the  right  is  an  infant;  the  probability  is  that 
it  is  a  dough  image.  Although  we  see  what  appear  to  be  the  body  and 
limbs,  we  have  to  assume  that  the  head  wears  a  mask  to  believe  it  to  be  the 
body  of  a  child.  If  it  is  the  figure  of  a  child,  then  the  scene  represents  a 
special  occasion  when  the  sacrifice  was  made  to  avert  some  impending 
danger.  The  difference  in  the  height  of  the  two  priests  favor  the  idea  that 
the  artist*  referred  by  his  figures  to  particular  persons,  if  not  to  a  special 
occasion.  Finally,  it  is  possible  that  although  the  inscription  relates  chiefly 
to  this  festival  others  are  also  alluded  to.  But  be  this  as  it  may,  I  have 
reached  my  conclusion  as  to  the  rendering  by  legitimate  steps. 

The  second  compound  character  in  the  column  is  composed  of  three 
parts,  the  two  to  the  right,  which  are  alike,  resembling,  in  some  respects, 
the  symbol  of  Imix,  and  in  others,  if  the  marks  can  be  trusted,  the  hiero¬ 
glyph  of  Cauac  and  ca.  We  find  almost  precisely  the  same  combination  in 
the  right-hand  (second)  column,  Plate  XX  of  the  Manuscript,  except  that 
the  two  similar  parts  are  above  the  face.  The  face  in  this  case  is  almost 
exactly  like  that  I  have  interpreted  Xamin ,  “north.”  What  is  also  a  little 
significant,  we  find  immediately  below  it  the  Pax  or  stone  symbol  just  as 
we  do  here. 


Appendix  No.  3,  O. 


THOMAS.  1 


THE  PALENQUE  TABLET. 


207 


Another  fact  which  should  be  taken  into  consideration  is  that  U  2 
appears  to  be  identical  with  the  two  similar  parts  of  this  character.  It 
undoubtedly  denotes  a  month  or  day.  If  a  month,  it  is  impossible  for  me 
to  determine  which;  if  a  day,  it  is  undoubtedly  Cauac,  or  the  Chiapan 
equivalent,  CaliogJi. 

Turning  to  the  middle  plate  between  pages  158  and  159,  Stephens’s 
Central  America,  Vol.  I,  we  observe  that  the  third  group  from  the  bottom 
of  the  right  column  appears  to  be  substantially  the  same  as  this  (A  B  3). 
Here  the  two  characters  at  the  right  are  placed  one  above  the  other  and 
appear  to  be  Imix  symbols,  and  the  head  that  of  a  monkey.  There  are 
also  some  small  additions  not  found  in  the  other,  but  allowance  must  be 
made  for  the  fact  that  the  characters  on  this  statue  are  not  so  carefully 
drawn  as  those  on  the  Tablet: 

The  next  character  below  (A  B  41,  if  we  follow  the  rendering  of  the 
first,  will  contain  the  sound  p ’  ch-c,  and  A  B  5  that  of  p1  x.  The  next  (A 
B  6)  I  think  is  the  symbol  for  Chuen  or  contains  the  sound  elm  A  B  7,  I 
am  inclined  to  believe,  is  the  symbol  for  likin  or  lakin,  “east”  or  “rising  sun.” 

A  10  refers  to  a  vessel  of  some  kind,  as  I  infer  from  the  vase  symbol 
at  the  bottom.  C  1 3  probably  represents  a  word  or  words  with  the  sounds 
ca-z1  or  tf-ca.  Although  F  2  has  a  central  mark  somewhat  resembling  that 
in  Ik,  I  strongly  suspect  it  to  be  the  symbol  for  the  month  Muan. 

In  R  1  we  see  the  bread  symbol  precisely  as  on  the  back  of  the  dog, 
Plate  XXI,  and  in  the  middle  division,  Plate  III*,  of  the  Tro.  Manuscript. 

E  6,  U  4,  V  14,  and  X  12  probably  denote  tortillas  of  maize  ( ppecuah ). 

I  shall  not  attempt  an  explanation  of  the  central  scene,  but  will  call 
attention  to  a  few  points  in  reference  to  it. 

Crosses  of  some  form  with  birds  on  them  are  found  in  three  or  four  of 
the  aboriginal  manuscripts,  as  Plate  IIP  of  the  Manuscript  Troano,  Plate 
30  of  the  Dresden  Codex,  and  in  one  or  two  of  the  Mexican  Codices.  It  is 
true  none  of  them  are  so  regular  or  so  true  as  this,  but  they  are  evidently 
intended  as  representations  of  the  cross  and  to  symbolize  the  same  general 
idea.  Certain  characteristics  belong  to  all  of  them,  as  follows:  First,  they 
arise  out  of  something  that  has  life,  as  an  animal  or  person ;  second,  a  vege¬ 
table  growth  therefrom,  as  a  tree;  third,  the  knobs  at  the  ends  of  the  arms, 


208 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


possibly  indicating  stars  as  emblematic  of  the  heavens;  and,  fourth,  the 
bird  at  the  top.  In  this  (the  Palanque  Tablet)  we  see  at  the  base  the  head 
of  some  fabulous  reptile,  notwithstanding  the  opinion  quoted  in  Dr.  Rau’s 
paper  to  the  contrary.  The  appendages  at  the  right  and  left  just  above  the 
head  are  probably  intended  for  fore  limbs.  By  looking  carefully  at  the 
upright  we  observe  little  knots  on  the  sides  opposite  each  other,  indicating 
the  nodes  as  marked  on  the  figures  of  trees  in  the  Manuscript. 

Referring  to  the  middle  plate  between  pages  156  and  157,  Stephens’s 
Central  America,  Yol.  I,  we  observe  on  the  back  of  the  statue  an  abridged 
type  of  the  Palenque  cross.  Here  we  see  the  same  broad  nose,  the  rows 
of  teeth,  and  the  spiral  lines  representing  eyes,  but  we  would  never  imagine 
it  represented  a  head  but  for  what  we  see  on  the  Palanque  Tablet. 

The  arms  issue  from  the  upper  portion  of  the  head;  the  knobs  are  rep¬ 
resented  by  balls  along  the  arms  without  stems;  and  the  bird  is  changed 
into  a  human  figure  with  wings  and  a  little  bird  head. 


APPENDICES. 


APPENDIX  NO.  1. 

Extracts  from  the  u  Belacion  de  Cosas  de  Yucatan ”  of  Diego  de  Landa,  in  rela¬ 
tion  to  the  festivals  of  the  supplementary  or  closing  days  of  the  year. 
§  §  XXXV-XXXVII  (pp.  210-226). 

En  qualquiera  fiesta  o  solemnidad  que  esta  gente  hazian  a  sus  dioses, 
comerujavan  siempre  del  echar  de  si  al  demonio  para  mejor  la  hazer.  Y  el 
echarle  nnas  vezes  eran  con  oraciones  y  bendiciones  qne  para  ello  tenian, 
otras  con  servicios  y  offrendas  y  sacrificios  que  le  hazian  por  esta  razon. 
Para  celebrar  la  solemnidad  de  su  ano  nuevo  esta  gente  con  mas  regocijo  y 
mas  dignamente,  segun  su  desventurada  opinion,  tomavan  los  cinco  dias 
aciagos  que  ellos  tenian  por  tales  antes  del  primero  dia  de  su  ano  nuevo  y 
en  ellos  hazian  muy  grandes  servicios  a  los  Bacahes  de  arriba  y  al  demonio 
que  llamavan  por  otros  quatro  nombres  como  a  ellos,  es  a  saber  Kan-u- 
XJayeyab ,  Chac-u-  Uayeyab,  Zac-u-  Uayeyab ,  EJc-u-  Uayeyab.  Y  estos  servicios  y 
fiestas  acabadas  y  alarujado  de  si,  como  veremos,  el  demonio,  comencjavan 
su  ano  nuevo. 

§  XXXV. — Fiestas  de  los  dias  aciagos.  Sacrificios  del  principio  del  ano  nuevo 

en  la  letra  de  Kan. 

Uso  era  en  todos  los  pueblos  de  Yucatan  tener  hecho  dos  montones  de 
piedra  uno  en  frente  de  otro,  a  la  entrada  del  pueblo,  por  todas  las  quatro 
partes  del  pueblo,  es  a  saber  a  oriente,  poniente,  septentrion  y  medio  dia, 
para  la  celebracion  de  las  dos  fiestas  de  los  dias  aciagos  los  quales  hazian 
desta  man  era  cada  ailo 

El  aiio  que  la  letra  dominical  era  de  Kan  era  el  aguero  Hobnil ,  y  segun 

14  M  T  209 


210 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


ellos  dezian,  reynavan  ambos  a  la  parte  del  medio  dia.  Este  ano  pues 
hazian  una  imagen  o  figura  liueca  de  barro  del  demonio  que  llamavan 
Kan-u-Uayeyab,  y  llevavanla  a  los  montones  de  piedra  seca  que  tenian 
hechos  a  la  parte  de  medio  dia.  Elegian  un  principe  del  pueblo,  en  cuya 
casa  se  celebrava  estos  dias  esta  fieste,  y  para  celebrarla  hazian  una  estatua 
de  un  demonio  que  llamavan  Bolon-Zacab ,  al  qual  ponian  en  casa  del  princi- 
pTil,  adereijado  en  un  lugar  publico  y  que  todos  pudiessen  llegar. 

Esto  hecho  se  junta  van  los  senores  y  el  sacerdote  y  el  pueblo  de  los 
hombres,  y  teniendo  limpio  y  con  arcos  y  frescuras  adere^ado  el  camino 
hasta  el  lugar  de  los  montones  de  piedra  donde  estava  la  estatua,  ivan  todos 
juntos  por  ella  con  mucha  de  su  devacion:  llegados  la  sahumava  el  sacerdote 
con  quarenta  y  nueve  granos  de  maiz  molidos  con  su  encienso  y  ellos  lo 
repartian  en  el  brasero  del  demonio  y  le  suamavan.  Llamavan  al  maiz 
molido  solo  zacah ,  y  a  lo  de  los  senores  chahalte.  Sahumavan  la  imagen, 
degollavan  una  gallina  y  se  la  presentavan  o  offrecian. 

Esto  hecho  metian  la  imagen  en  un  palo  llamado  Xante  y  punendole 
acuestas  un  angel  en  sexial  de  agua  y  que  este  ano  avia  de  ser  bueno,  y 
estos  angeles  pintavin  y  hazian  espantables;  y  assi  la  llevavan  con  mucho 
regocijo  y  vailes  a  la  casa  del  principal  donde  estava  la  otra  estatua  de 
Bolonzacab.  Sacavan  de  casa  deste  principal  a  los  senores  y  al  sacerdote  al 
camino  una  bevida  hecha  de  CCCC  y  XV  granos  de  maiz  tostados  que 
Hainan  Picnla  Kakla  y  bevian  todos  della;  llegados  a  la  casa  del  principal, 
ponian  esta  imagen  en  frente  de  la  estatua  del  demonio  que  alii  tenian,  y 
assi  le  hazian  much  as  offrendas  de  comidas  bevidas  de  came  y  pescad^,  y 
estas  offrendas  repartian  a  los  estrangeros  que  alii  se  hallavan  y  davan  al 
sacerdote  una  pierna  de  venado. 

Otros  derramavan  sangre,  cortandose  las  orejas,  y  untando  con  ella 
una  piedra  que  alii  tenian  de  un  demonio  Kanal-Acantun.  Hazian  un 
corazon  de  pan,  y  otro  pan  con  pepitas  de  calabaijas  y  offrecianlos  a  la 
imagen  del  demonio  Kan-u-Uayeyab.  Tenianse  assi  esta  estatua  y  imagen 
estos  dias  aciagos,  y  sahumavanla  con  su  encienso  y  con  los  maizes  molidos 
con  encienso.  Tenian  creido  si  no  hazian  estas  cerimonias  avian  de  tener 
ciertas  enfermedades  que  ellos  tienen  en  este  ano.  Passados  estos  dias 
aciagos  llevavan  la  estatua  del  demonio  Bolonzacab  al  templo  y  la  imagen  a 


THOMAS.] 


FESTIVALS  OF  THE  SUPPLEMENTAL  DAYS. 


211 


la  parte  del  oriente  para  ir  alii  otro  ano  por  ella,  y  echavan  la  ay,  y  ivanse 
a  sus  casas  a  entender  en  lo  qne  les  dava  a  cada  uno  que  hazer  para  la  cele- 
bracion  del  ano  nuevo. 

Dexando  con  las  cerimonias  liechas,  echado  el  demonio,  segun  su  en- 
gano,  este  ano  tenian  por  bueno,  porque  reynava  con  la  letra  Kan  el  Bacab- 
Hobnil ,  del  qua!  dezian  no  avia  peccado  como  sus  liermanos  y  por  esso  no 
les  venian  miserias  en  el.  Pero  porque  muchas  verzes  las  avia,  proveyo  el 
demonio  de  que  le  hiziessen  servicios  paraque  assi  quando  las  uviesse, 
hechassen  la  culpa  a  los  servicios  o  servidores  y  quedassen  siempre  engana- 
dos  y  ciegos. 

Mandavales  pues  hiziessen  un  idolo  que  llamavan  Yzamna-Kauil  y 
que  la  pusiessen  en  su  templo,  y  que  le  quemassen  en  el  patio  del  templo 
tres  pelotas  de  una  leche  o  resina  que  llaman  Idle  y  que  le  sacrificassen  un 
perro  o  un  hombre,  lo  qual  ellos  hazian,  guardando  la  orden  que  en  el  ca- 
pitulo  ciento  dixe,  tenian  con  los  que  sacrificavan,  salvo  que  el  modo  de 
sacrificar  en  esta  fiesta  era  diferente,  porque  hazian  en  el  patio  del  templo 
un  gran  monton  de  piedras  y  ponian  el  hombre  o  perro  que  avian  de  sacri¬ 
ficar,  en  alguna  cosa  mas  alta  que  el,  y  echando  atado  al  patiente  de  lo  alto 
a  las  piedras  le  arrebatavan  aquellos  officiales  y  con  gran  presteza  le  sacavan 
el  corazon  y  lo  llevavan  al  nuevo  idolo  y  se  le  ofrecian  entre  dos  platos. 
Ofrecian  otros  dones  de  comidas  y  en  esta  fiesta  vailavan  las  viejas  del  pueblo 
que  para  esto  tenian  elegidas,  vestidas  de  ciertas  vestiduras.  Dezian  que 
descendia  un  angel  y  recibia  este  sacrificio. 

§  \xxvi  . — Sacrificios  del  ano  nuevo  de  la  letra  Muluc.  Bailes  de  los  Zancos 
Otro  de  las  viejas  con  perros  de  barro. 

El  ano  en  que  la  letra  dominical  era  Muluc  era  el  aguero  Canzienal. 
Y  a  su  tiempo  elegian  los  seilores  y  el  sacerdote  un  principal  para  hazer  la 
fiesta,  el  qua!  elegido  hazian  la  imagen  del  demonio  como  la  del  ailo  passado, 
a  la  qual  llamavan  Chac-u-Uayeyab  y  llevavanla  a  los  montones  de  piedra 
de  hazia  la  parte  del  oriente  donde  avian  echado  la  passada.  Hazian  una 
estatua  al  demonio  llamado  KincJi-Ahau,  y  ponianla  en  casa  del  principal  en 
lugar  conveniente  y  desde  alii,  teniendo  muy  limpio  y  adere^ado  el  camino, 


212 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


ivan  todos  juntos  con  su  acostumbrada  devocion  por  la  imagen  del  demonio 
Chac-u -  Uayeyab. 

Llegados  la  sahumava  el  sacerdote  con  LI II  granos  de  maiz  molidos  y 
con  su  encienso,  a  lo  qual  Hainan  zacali.  Dava  el  sacerdote  a  los  senores 
que  pusiessen  en  el  brasero  mas  encienso  de  lo  que  llamamos  chahalte ,  y 
despues  degollavanle  la  gallina,  como  al  passado,  y  tomando  la  imagen  en 
un  palo  llamado  CJicicte,  la  llevavan  accompanadola  todos  con  devocion  y 
vailando  unos  vailes  de  guerra  que  Hainan  Holcan-OJwt,  Batel-Okot.  Sacavan 
al  camino  a  los  senores  y  principals  su  bevida  de  CCC  y  LXXX  maizes 
tostados  como  la  de  atras. 

Llegados  a  casa  del  principal  ponian  esta  imagen  en  frente  de  la  estatua 
de  Kindi- Ahem  y  hazianle  todas  sus  ofrendas,  las  quales  repartian  como  las 
demas.  Ofrecian  a  la  imagen  pan  liecbo  como  yemas  de  uevos,  y  otros 
como  cora9ones  de  venados,  y  otro  liecbo  con  su  pimienta  desleida.  Avia 
muclios  que  derramavan  sangre,  cortandose  las  orejas,  y  untan'do  con  la 
sangre  la  piedra  que  alii  tenian  del  demonio  que  llamavan  Chacan-cantun. 
Aqui  tomavan  mochachos  y  les  sacavan  sangre  por  fueiya  de  las  orejas, 
dandoles  en  ellas  cuchilladas.  Tenian  esta  estatua  y  imagen  hasta  passados 
los  dias  aciagos,  y  entre  tanto  quemavanle  sus  enciensos.  Passados  los 
dias,  llevavan  la  imagen  a  echar  a  la  parte  del  norte  por  ay  donde  otro  ano 
la  avian  de  salir  a  reeibir,  y  la  otra  al  templo,  y  despues  ivanse  a  sus  casas 
a  entender  en  el  aparejo  de  su  ano  nuevo.  Avion  de  temer,  si  no  hazian, 
las  cosas  diclias,  mucho  mal  de  ojositos. 

Este  ano  en  que  la  letra  Muluc  era  dominical  y  el  Bacab  Canziemal 
reynava,  tenian  por  buen  aiio,  ca  dezian  que  era  este  el  mejor  y  mayor 
destos  dioses  Bacabes ;  y  ansi  le  ponian  en  sus  oraciones  el  primero.  Pero 
con  todo  eso,  les  hazia  el  demonio  hiziessen  un  idolo  llamado  Yax-coc-Ahmut , 
y  que  lo  pusiessen  en  el  templo  y  quitassen  las  imagenes  antiguas,  y  liizies- 
sen  en  el  patio  de  delante  del  templo  un  bulto  de  piedra  en  el  qual  quemassen 
de  su  encienso,  y  una  pelota  de  la  resina  o  leche  Irik,  liaziendo  alii  oracion 
al  idolo,  y  pidiendole  remedio  para  las  miserias  que  aquel  ano  tenian;  las 
quales  eran  poca  agua,  y  echar  los  maizes  muclios  hijos  y  cosas  desta  ma- 
nera;  para  cuyo  remedio,  les  mandava  el  demonio  ofrecerle  hardillas  y  un 


TIIOMAS.  ] 


FESTIVALS  OF  TOE  SUPPLEMENTAL  DAYS. 


213 


paramento  sin  labores;  el  qual  texessen  las  viejas  que  tienen  por  officio  el 
bailar  en  el  templo  para  aplacar  a  Yax-Coc-Ahmut. 

Tenian  otras  mnclias  miserias  y  malos  senales,  aunque  era  bueno  el 
ailo,  sino  hazian  los  servicios  que  el  demonio  les  mandava;  lo  qual  era 
hazer  una  fiesta  y  en  ella  vailar  un  vaile  en  muy  altos  zancos  y  ofrecerle 
cabe^as  de  pavos  y  pan  y  bevidas  de  maiz;  avian  de  ofrescerle  perros  heclios 
de  barro  con  pan  en  las  espaldas  y  avian  de  vailar  con  ellos  en  las  manos  las 
viejas  y  sacrificarle  un  perrito  que  tuviesse  las  espanaldas  negras  y  fuesse 
virgen,  y  los  devotos  dellos  avian  de  derramar  su  sangre  y  untar  la  piedra 
de  Chaca-cantun  demonio  con  ella.  Este  servicio  y  sacrificio  tenian  por 
agradable  a  su  dios  Yax-Coc-Ahmut. 

§  XXXVII. — Sacrifices  del  ano  nuevo  de  la  letra  Yx.  Pronosticos  malos  y  modo 

de  remediar  sus  efectos. 

El  ano  en  que  la  letra  dominical  era  Yx  y  el  aguero  Zacciui,  liecha  la 
eleccion  del  principal  que  celebrasse  la  fiesta,  hazian  laimagen  del  demoniol 
llamado  Zac-u-Uayeyab  y  llevavanla  a  los  montones  de  piedra  de  la  parte 
del  norte,  donde  el  ano  passado  la  avian  ecliado  Hazian  una  estatua  a, 
demonio  Yzamna  y  ponianla  en  casa  del  principal,  y  todos  juntos,  y  el  camino 
aderaqado,  ivan  devotamente  por  la  imagen  de  Zac-u-Uayeyab.  Llegados  la 
sahumavan  como  lo  solian  hazer,  y  degollovan  la  gallina  y  puesta  la  imagen 
en  un  palo  llamado  Zachia,  la  tryan  con  su  devocion  y  bailes  los  quales 
Hainan  Alcabtan-Kamahau.  Traian  les  la  bevida  acostumbrada  al  camino  y 
llegados  a  casa  ponian  esta  imagen  delante  la  estatua  de  Yzamna  y  alii  le 
offrecian  todas  sus  offrendas,  y  las  repartian,  y  a  la  estatua  de  Zac-u-Uaye¬ 
yab  ofrescian  una  cabe<ja  de  un  pavo,  y  empanados  de  codornices  y  otras 
cosas  y  su  bevida. 

Otros  se  sacavan  sangre  y  untavan  con  ella  la  piedra  del  demonio  Zac- 
Acantun  y  tenianse  assi  los  idolos  los  dias  que  avia  hasta  el  ano  nuevo,  y 
saumavanlos  con  sus  saumerios  hasta  que  llegado  el  dia  postrero  llevavan  a 
Yzamna  al  templo  y  a  Zac-u-Uayeyab  a  la  parte  del  poniente  a  echarle  por 
a  y  para  recibirla  otro  ano. 

Las  miserias  que  tenian  este  ano  si  eran  negligentes  eri  estos  sus  servi¬ 
cios  eran  clesmayos  y  amortecimientos  y  mal  de  ojas.  Tenianle  porruyn 


214 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TKOANO. 


ailo  cle  pan,  y  bueno  de  algodon.  Este  ano  en  que  la  letra  dominical  era 
Yx,  y  el  Bacab  Zacciui  reynava,  tenian  por  ruyn  ano,  porque  dezian  avian 
de  tener  en  el  miserias  muchas  ca  dezian  avian  de  tener  gran  falta  de  agua, 
y  muclios  soles,  los  quales  avian  de  secar  los  maizales,  de  que  se  les  seguiria 
gran  liambre,  y  de  la  hambra  liurtos,  de  lmrtos  esclavos,  y  vender  a  los  que 
los  liiziessen.  Desto  se  les  avian  de  seguir  discordias  y  guerras  entre  si 
propios  o  con  otros  pueblos.  Dezian  tambien  avia  de  aver  mudamja  en  el 
mando  de  los  senores  o  de  los  sacerdotes,  por  razon  de  las  guerras  y  dis¬ 
cordias. 

Tenian  tambien  nn  pronostico'  de  que  algunos  de  los  que  quisiessen  ser 
senores  no  prevalescerian.  Dezian  ternian  tambien  langosta,  y  que  se 
despoblarian  muclios  de  sus  pueblos  de  liambre.  Lo  que  el  demonio  les 
mandava  liazer  para  remedio  destas  miserias  las  quales  todas  o  algunas  dellas 
entendian  les  vernian  era  liazer  un  idolo  que  llamavan  Cinch-Ahau  Yzamna , 
y  ponerle  en  el  templo,  donde  le  liazian  muclios  saumerios  y  muchas  ofrendas 
y  oraciones  y  clerramamientos  de  su  sangre,  con  la  qual  untavan  la  piedra 
de  Zac-Acantun  demonio.  Hazian  muclios  vailes  y  vailavan  las  viejas  como 
solian,  y  en  esta  fiesta  liazian  de  nuevo  un  oratorio  pequeno  al  demonio,  o 
♦  le  renovavan,  y  en  el  se  juntavan  a  liazer  sacrificios  y  offrendas  al  demonio, 
y  a  liazer  una  solemne  borachera  todos;  ca  era  fiesta  general  y  obligatoria. 
Avia  algunos  santones  que  de  su  voluntad,  y  por  su  devocion  hazian  otro 
idolo  como  el  de  arriba  y  le  ponian  en  otros  ternplos,  donde  se  hazian  ofrendas 
y  borachera.  Estas  boracheras  y  sacrificios  tenian  por  muy  gratos  a  sus 
idolos,  y  por  remedios  para  librarse  de  las  miserias  del  pronostico. 

§  XXXVIII. — Sacrificios  del  ano  nuevo  en  la  letra  Cauac  Pronosticos  malos  y 

su  remedio  en  el  bade  del  fuego. 

El  ano  que  la  letra  dominical  era  Cauac  y  el  aguero  Hozanek,  lieclia  la 
elecion  del  principal,  para  celebrar  la  fiesta  hazian  la  imagen  del  demonio 
llamado  Ekuvayeyab,  y  llevavanla  a  los  montones  de  piedra  de  la  parte  del 
poniente,  donde  el  ano  passado  la  avian  echado.  Hazian  tambien  una  estatua 
a  un  demonio  llamado  Uacmitun-AJiau ,  y  poniarda  en  casa  del  principal 
en  lugar  conveniente,  y  desde  alii  ivan  todos  juntos  al  lugar  donde  la  imagen 
de  Ekuvayeyab  estava,  y  tenian  elcamino  para  ello  muy  adere^ndo;  llegados 


THOMAS.  J 


FESTIVALS  OF  THE  SUPPLEMENTAL  DAYS. 


215 


a  ella  saumavanla  el  sacerdote  y  los  seilores,  como  solian  y  degollavanle  la 
gallina.  Esto  heeho,  tomavan  la  imagen  en  un  palo  que  llamavan  Yaxek,  y 
ponianle  acuestas  a  la  imagen  una  calabera  y  un  liombre  muerto  y  en  cima 
un  paxaro  cenicero  llamado  latch,  en  senal  de  mortandad  grande,  ca  por  muy 
mal  ano  tenian  este. 

Llevavanla  despues  desta  manera,  con  su  sentimiento  y  devocion,  y 
bailando  algunos  vailes,  entre  los  quales  vailavan  uno  como  cazcarientas  y 
assi  le  llamavan  ellos  Xibalba-Okot,  que  quiere  dezir  baile  del  demonio 
Llegavan  al  camino  los  escancianos  con  la  bevida  de  los  seilores,  la  qual 
bevida  llevavan  al  lugar  de  la  estatua  Uacmitun-Ahau,  y  poniale  alii  en 
frente  la  imagen  que  traian.  Luego  comencyivan  sus  ofrendas,  saumerios 
y  oraciones,  y  muchos  derramavan  la  sangre  de  muclias  partes  de  su  cuerpo, 
y  con  ella  untavan  la  piedra  del  demonio  llamado  Ekel-Acantun,  y  assi 
passavan  estos  dias  aciagos,  los  quales  passados,  llevavan  a  Uacmitun-Ahau 
al  templo,  y  a  JEkuvayeyab  a  la  parte  de  medio  dia,  para  recibirla  otro  ano. 

Este  ailo  en  que  la  letra  era  Cauac  y  reynava  el  Bacab-Hozanek  tenian, 
allende  de  la  pronosticada  mortandad,  por  ruyn,  por  que  dezian  les  avian 
los  muchos  soles  de  matar  los  maizales,  y  comer  las  muclias  hormigas  lo  que 
sembrassen  y  los  paxaros,  y  porque  esto  no  seria  en  todas  partes  avria  en 
algunos  comida,  la  qual  avrian  con  gran  trabajo.  Haziales  el  demonio  para 
remedio  destas  meserias  hazer  quatro  demonios  llamados  Chicchac-Chob ,  Bk- 
Balam-Cliac ,  Achan-Uolcab ,  Ahbuluc-Balam,  y  ponerlos  en  el  templo  donde 
los  suamavan  con  sus  saumerios,  y  les  ofrecian  dos  pellas  de  una  leche  o 
resina  de  un  arbol  que'  llaman  kik,  para  quemar  y  ciertas  iguanas  y  pan  y 
una  mitra  y  un  manojo  de  flores;  y  una  piedra  preciosa  de  las  suyas.  Demas 
desto,  para  le  celebracion  desta  fiesta,  liazian  en  el  patio  una  grande  boveda 
de  madera,  y  henchianla  de  leiia  por  lo  alto  y  por  los  lados,  dexandole  en  ellos 
puertas  para  poder  entrar  y  salir.  Tomavan  despues  los  mas  liombres  de 
lieclio  sendos  manojos  de  unas  varillas  muy  secas  y  largas  atadas,  y  puesto 
en  lo  alto  de  la  lefia  un  cantor,  cantava  y  hazia  son  con  un  atambor  de  los 
suyos,  vailavan  los  de  abaxo  todos  con  muclio  concierto  y  devocion,  entrando 
y  saliendo  por  las  puertas  de  aquella  boveda  de  madera,  y  assi  vailavan 
hasta  la  tarde,  que  dexando  alii  cada  uno  su  manojo,  se  ivan  a  sus  casas  a 
descansar  y  comer. 


21(3 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TBOANO. 


En  anocheciendo  volvian  y  con  ellos  mucha  gente,  porque  entre  ellos 
esta  cerimonia  era  muy  estimada  y  tomando  cada  uno  su  hacho  lo  encendian 
y  con  ellos  cada  uno  por  su  parte  pegavan  fuego  a  la  lena  la  qual  ardia  nmclio 
y  se  quemava  presto.  Despues  de  hecho  toda  braza,  la  allanavan  y  tendian 
muy  tendida  y  juntos  los  que  avian  bailado,  avia  algunos,  que  se  ponian  a 
passar  descalcos  y  desnudos  como  ellos  andavan  por  encima  de  aquella 
braza  de  una  parte  a  otra  y  passavan  algunos  sin  lesion,  otros  abra^ados,  y 
otros  medio  quemados,  y  en  esto  creian  estava  el  remedio  de  sus  miserias 
y  malos  agueros,  y  pensavan  era  este  su  servicio  muy  agradable  a  sus  dioses. 
Esto  hecho  se  ivan  a  bever  y  hazerse  cestos,  ca  assi  lo  pedia  la  costumbre 
de  la  fiesta,  y  el  calor  del  fuego. 


APPENDIX  NO.  2. 

[Quotation  from  an  article  by  Senor  Melgar.] 

“In  the  third  volume  and  the.  first  MSS.  in  this  volume,  now  in  the 
Borgian  Museum  in  the  College  of  Propaganda  at  Rome,  page  43,  will 
clearly  be  seen  the  four  stations  of  the  year.  On  the  right  hand  of  upper 
side  we  see  a  genius  or  being,  from  whose  mouth  a  flower  proceeds,  and 
joined  to  the  left  foot  there  is  the  sign  of  the  Hare,  whose  appearance  rep¬ 
resents  the  season  of  rutting,  the  above-said,  being  a  genius,  fecundates  the 
frog — a  symbol  of  the  earth  among  the  Toltecs  and  Aztecs.  It  is  coiled  up 
within  a  serpent  or  dragon,  undoubtedly  Serapis,  and  from  its  rings  come 
forth  innumerable  Phalli.  From  this  proceeds  the  Cosmogonic  idea  of  the 
union  of  Uranus  and  Gea,  which  is  the  Spring  Equinox.  Below  this  (in 
the  MSS.)  is  another  sketch  representing  the  summer  solstice.  The  painted 
figure  is  that  of  a  negro,  and  the  hare  at  its  left  foot  has  its  mouth  open, 
panting  with  the  heat;  behind  it  are  fruits  and  flowers,  and  also  are  seen 
the  folds  of  the  aforesaid  serpent.  The  sketch  which  follows  this  one  shows 
on  the  left  the  Autumnal  Equinox.  The  figure  is  extended  over  a  cross,  the 
hare  which  comes  forth  from  its  ear  is  afflicted  with  pustules  or  pox.  Under 
this  figure  is  a  skull  likewise  in  the  folds  of  the  serpent  before  mentioned. 


THOMAS.] 


FESTIVALS  HELD  IN  THE  DIFFERENT  MONTHS. 


217 


In  the  last  picture,  which  is  on  the  upper  left  hand,  is  the  Winter  Solstice. 
From  the  ear  of  the  figure  comes  forth  a  snake  or  the  evil  .genius;  from  its 
mouth  proceeds  the  sign  for  earthquake,  likewise  inclosed  in  the  folds  of  a 
great  serpent;  and  in  all  the  pictures  there  is  the  eagle,  the  next  constella¬ 
tion  to  Serpentarius.” 


APPENDIX  NO.  3. 

Translation  of  Lancia's  description  of  the  festivals  held  in  the  different  months 

of  the  year.1 

Note. — The  order  of  the  translation  is  in  accordance  with  the  months 
of  the  Maya  year,  commencing  with  Pop  instead  of  with  the  10th  day 
of  Chen.  The  different  months  are  here  numbered  by  the  letters  of  the 
alphabet. 

COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  MAYA  YEAR - FIRST  DAY  OF  THE  MONTH  POP. 

A. — The  first  day  of  Pop  commenced  the  first  month  of  these  Indians; 
it  was  the  first  day  of  their  new  year  and  of  a  very  solemn  feast  with  them; 
for  it  was  general,  all  took  part  in  it  and  all  the  people  assembled  to  feast 
in  honor  of  their  gods.  In  order  to  celebrate  it  with  greater  ostentation, 
they  renewed  on  this  day  the  articles  which  they  made  use  of,  such  as 
dishes,  cups,  pedestals,  baskets,  old  cloths,  and  stuffs  with  which  they  cov¬ 
ered  their  idols.  They  swept  their  houses  and  threw  all  the  dirt  and  old 
utensils  into  the  highway  without  the  place,  and  nobody,  had  they  the 
greatest  need  of  it,  dared  to  touch  it.  In  order  to  prepare  themselves  for 
this  feast,  the  princes  and  priests,  also  the  nobility,  commenced  to  fast  and 
previously  to  abstain  from  their  wives;  this  included  also  those  who  wished 
to  show  their  devotion,  and  they  gave  to  it  all  the  time  the}^  thought  proper; 
there  were  some  who  fasted  three  months  in  advance,  others  two,  and  others, 
according  to  their  fancy,  as  long  as  it  pleased  them,  but  never  less  than 
thirteen  days. 

To  these  thirteen  days  of  abstinence  from  their  wives,  they  added  that 


■^Relacion,  pp.  240-310. 


218 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


of  taking  neither  salt  nor  spice  with  their  meat,  which  they  regarded  as  a 
great  privation.  At  this  time  they  elected  the  officers  ( Chacs )  who  assisted 
the  priests;  he  prepared  for  them  a  large  quantity  of  little  balls  of  incense 
on  small  boaids,  which  the  priests  kept  for  this  purpose  in  order  that  those 
who  had  fasted  should  burn  them  before  their  idols.  Those  who  had  once 
commenced  this  fast  took  great  care  not  to  break  it,  believing  that,  if  they 
did,  some  misfortune  would  fall  on  them  or  their  houses  on  account  of  that 
violation. 

The  first  day  of  the  new  year  having  arrived,  all  the  men  assembled 
in  the  court  of  the  temple,  but  men  alone;  for,  on  any  occasion,  if  the 
feast  or  sacrifice  was  celebrated  in  the  temple,  the  women  were  not  allowed 
to  assist  in  it,  with  the  exception  of  the  old  women  who  came  to  dance; 
but  at  the  other  banquets,  which  were  held  in  other  places,  the  women  were 
allowed  to  be  present.  On  this  occasion  the  men  came  ornamented  and 
painted  with  their  colors,  after  having  washed  from  themselves  the  grease 
with  which  they  were  covered  during  their  fast.  All  being  assembled  with 
the  offerings  of  meat  and  drinks  which  they  had  brought,  also  a  great 
quantity  of  wine,  newly  fermented,  the  priest  purified  the  temple  and  seated 
himself  in  the  center  of  the  court,  clothed  in  pontifical  garments  and  hav¬ 
ing  beside  him  a  brazier  and  the  balls  of  incense.  The  Chacs  took  their 
places  at  the  four  corners,  extending  from  one  to  the  other  a  new  cord,  be¬ 
neath  the  center  of  which  all  those  must  enter  who  had  fasted,  in  order  to 
dispel  the  evil  spirit  spoken  of  in  Chapter  XCVI. 

The  evil  spirit  once  driven  out,  all  devoted  themselves  to  prayer  while 
the  chaces  (sic)  kindled  the  new  fire;  they  burnt  the  incense  before  the 
idols,  the  priest  commencing  by  casting  his  own  ball  into  the  brazier;  the 
rest  followed,  each  according  to  his  rank,  to  receive  the  balls  from  the  hand 
of  the  priest,  who  gave  them  with  much  gravity  and  devoutness,  as  if  he 
was  giving  them  valuable  relics;  then  one  after  the  other  cast  them  slowly 
into  the  brazier,  waiting  until  it  was  consumed. 

After  this  ceremony  they  feasted  upon  all  the  offerings  and  presents  of 
food,  drinking  the  wine  after  their  custom,  as  usual,  until  they  had  con¬ 
sumed  it  all.  This  was  their  feast  of  the  new  year,  and  the  solemnity  with 
which  they  believed  themselves  to  render  it  perfectly  agreeable  to  their 


THOMAS.] 


FESTIVALS  HELD  IN  THE  DIFFERENT  MONTHS. 


219 


idols.  During  the  month  Pop,  there  were  also  some  of  the  most  devout 
men  who  continued  to  celebrate  this  feast  with  their  friends,  such  as  the 
nobles  and  priests,  they  being,  before  others,  always  the  first  in  the  rejoic¬ 
ings  and  festivities. 


B.  — During  the  month  Uo,  the  priests,  the  medicine-men,  and  the  sor¬ 
cerers,  which  were  all  the  same,  commenced,  by  fasting  and  other  acts  of 
piety,  to  prepare  for  the  celebration  of  another  feast  which  the  hunters  and 
fishermen  celebrated  on  the  seventh  day  of  the  month  Zip-  each  of  them 
celebrated  it  on  his  own  day  on  his  part,  the  priests  being  the  first.  They 
gave  to  this  feast  the  name  of  Pocam.  Having  assembled,  covered  with 
their  ornaments,  at  the  house  of  the  chief,  they  first  dispelled  the  evil  spirits 
as  before;  they  then  uncovered  their  books  and  laid  them  open  on  a  carpet 
of  leaves  which  they  had  prepared  for  this  purpose.  They  then  invoked 
with  great  devotion  a  god  called  Cinchau-Yzamna,  who  had,  they  said,  been 
the  first  priest;  they  offered  him  divers  presents  and  burnt  before  him  in 
the  new  lire  some  balls  of  incense.  During  this  time  others  diluted  in  a 
vessel  a  little  verdigris  and  pure  water,  which  they  said  was  brought  from 
a  wood  in  which  no  woman  had  ever  penetrated;  they  moistened  with  it 
the  leaves  of  their  books  in  order  to  cleanse  them;  this  finished,  the  most 
learned  of  the  priests  opened  a  book  in  which  he  examined  the  omens  of  the 
year,  which  he  announced  to  all  those  who  were  present.  He  then  talked 
to  them  for  a  short  time,  advising  them  as  to  what  they  should  do  to  pre¬ 
vent  these  evil  things,  and  announced  the  same  feast  for  the  next  year  to 
the  priest  or  noble  who  was  to  celebrate  it;  if  he  should  die  in  the  mean 
time,  it  devolved  upon  his  son  to  celebrate  it  in  his  place.  When  this  was 
concluded,  all  feasted  together  upon  the  food  and  offerings  of  drinks,  drink¬ 
ing  like  wine-bibbers.  Thus  was  completed  the  feast,  during  which  they 
executed  a  dance  called  Okot-Uil. 

C.  — The  following  da}T,  the  medicine-men  and  sorcerers  assembled  with 
their  wives  at  the  house  of  one  of  their  number.  The  priests  expelled  the 
evil  spirit;  after  which  they  opened  their  medicine-bags,  in  which  they 
kept  a  number  of  charms,  arid,  each  in  particular,  some  little  images  of  the 
goddess  of  medicine,  which  they  called  Ixcliel ,  whence  the  name  of  the  fes- 


220 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


tival,  Ihcil-Ixcliel ;  also  some  little  stones  used  in  their  sorceries,  called  am. 
Then  the}'  invoked  in  their  prayers,  with  great  devotion,  the  gods  of  medi¬ 
cine,  Yzamna ,  Cit-JBolon-Tun,  and  Ahau-CJiamahez,  while  the  priests  burned 
in  their  honor  the  incense  which  they  cast  into  the  brazier  of  the  new  fire, 
and  which  the  Chacs  smeared  with  a  blue  color  resembling  the  color  of  the 
books  of  the  priests.  This  done,  each  one  gathered  up  Ins  valuables,  and, 
loaded  with  their  bundles,  they  executed  a  dance  called  Chan-tun- yah.  The 
dance  having  terminated,  the  men  seated  themselves  on  one  side  and  the 
women  on  the  other;  they  then  arranged  the  day  for  the  feast  of  the  next 
year,  and  all  made  the  usual  banquet  on  the  offerings  and  drinks,  intoxicating 
themselves,  trying  each  to  exceed  the  other.  The  priests  alone,  it  is  said, 
ashamed  of  joining  with  them  on  this  occasion,  put  aside  their  share  of  the 
wine,  in  order  to  drink  it  at  their  ease  and  without  any  witnesses. 

The  preceding  day  the  hunters  gathered  together  at  one  of  their  houses, 
where  they  brought  their  wives  with  them;  the  priests  came  also,  and  after 
having  driven  away  the  evil  spirit,  as  usual,  they  placed  in  the  center  of 
the  house  the  preparatives  necessary  to  the  sacrifice  of  incense  and  the  new 
fire,  with  the  blue  color.  The  hunters  worshiped  with  devotion  the  gods 
of  the  chase,  Acanum,  Zu-huy-Zip,  Tabai,  and  others,  and  distributed  the 
incense,  which  they  then  threw  into  the  brazier.  While  they  were  burning, 
each  one  took  an  arrow  and  a  deer’s  head,  which  the  Cliacs  had  painted 
blue;  and  thus  adorned  some  danced,  holding  each  other’s  hand,  while 
others  pierced  their  ears  or  tongue,  passing  through  the  holes  which  they 
made  in  them  seven  leaves  of  an  herb  called  Ac.  This  completed,  first  the 
priests,  and  afterward  the  officers  of  the  feast,  presented  the  offerings,  then 
they  began  to  dance,  drinking  wine  until  they  were  intoxicated. 

The  next  day  it  was  the  fishermen’s  turn  to  celebrate  the  feast,  which 
they  did  in  the  same  manner  as  the  others,  except  that  in  place  of  the  deer 
heads,  they  painted  their  fishing  implements;  they  did  not  pierce  their  ears, 
but  cut  around  them,  after  which  they  performed  a  dance  called  Chohom. 
After  this,  they  consecrated  a  large  tree,  which  they  left  standing  upright. 

When  this  feast  was  finished  in  the  cities,  it  was  the  custom  of  the 
nobles  to  celebrate  it  with  a  large  crowd  at  the  sea-shore,  where  they  held 
a  great  fishing  expedition  with  rejoicings  of  every  kind ;  for  they  carried 


THOMAS.  ] 


FESTIVALS  HELD  IN  THE  DIFFERENT  MONTHS. 


221 


with  them  a  large  quantity  of  lines  and  fish-hooks  with  other  implements 
for  fishing.  The  gods  whom  they  then  invoked  as  their  patrons  were 
Ahkak-Nexoi,  Ahpua,  Alicitz ,  and  Amalcum. 

D.  — During  the  month  of  Tzoz  the  apiarists  prepared  for  the  celebra¬ 
tion  of  their  feast  of  Tzec\  but  although  the  principal  preparation  was  fast¬ 
ing,  only  the  priests  and  the  officers  who  were  to  assist  him  were  compelled 
to  fast,  all  the  rest  being  voluntary. 

E.  — The  month  Tzec.  The  day  of  the  feast  having  arrived,  they 
congregated'at  the  house  of  him  who  celebrated  it,  and  performed  all 
that  they  usually  did  at  the  other  feasts,  except  that  they  shed  no  blood. 
Their  patrons  were  the  Bacabs ,  and  especially  Hobnil.  They  then  made 
great  offerings,  particularly  to  the  four  Chacs,  to  wdiom  they  presented  four 
plates  covered  with  figures  of  honey,  in  order  to  obtain  it  in  abundance  by 
means  of  this  feast.  They  finished,  as  usual,  with  a  perfect  orgy,  the 
apiarists  being  by  no  means  sparing  of  their  honey  on  this  occasion. 

F.  — The  month  Xul.  It  has  been  seen  in  the  tenth  chapter  how,  after 
the  departure  of  Kukulcan  from  Yucatan,  there  were  some  Indians  who, 
believing  that  he  was  carried  to  heaven  with  the  gods,  regarded  him  as  a 
god  and  built  temples  in  his  honor  and  celebrated  feasts,  which  they  con¬ 
tinued  throughout  the  country  until  the  destruction  of  Mayapan.  After 
this  event,  they  celebrated  them  no  longer  except  in  the  province  of  Mani ; 
but  the  other  provinces,  in  recognition  of  what  they  owed  to  Kukulcan, 
presented  to  Mani  by  turns  each  year,  sometimes  four  and  at  other  times 
five  magnificent  banners  of  feathers,  with  which  they  solemnized  the  feasts, 
not  like  the  others,  but  in  the  following  manner : 

On  the  sixteenth  day  of  the  month  of  Xul  all  the  lords  and  priests 
of  Mani  assembled,  and  with  them  a  large  crowd,  who  joined  with  them, 
after  having  prepared  for  it  by  fast  and  penances.  On  the  evening  of  this 
day  they  departed  in  procession,  with  a  large  number  of  performers,  from 
the  house  of  the  prince  and  advanced  slowly  towards  the  temple  of  Kukul¬ 
can,  which  they  had  previously  ornamented.  Having  arrived,  they  repeated 
their  prayers  and  placed  the  banners  high  in  the  temple;  they  exposed  their 
idols  on  a  carpet  of  leaves.  Having  then  built  the  new  fire,  they  burnt 


222 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TBOANO. 


incense  in  many  places,  making  offerings  of  meat,  cooked  without  pepper 
or  salt,  and  drinks  made  from  beans  and  kernels  of  calabashes.  The  lords, 
and  also  those  who  had  observed  the  fast,  passed  five  days  and  five  nights 
there  without  returning  home — praying,  burning  copal,  and  executing  sacred 
dances.  During  this  time  the  actors  went  to  the  houses  of  the  nobles  and 
others,  exhibiting  their  performances  and  receiving  the  gifts  which  were 
offered  to  them.  At  the  end  of  the  five  days  they  carried  them  all  to  the 
temple,  where  they  divided  them  among  the  priests  and  the  dancers.  After 
this  they  resumed  the  banners  and  idols,  which  they  carried  back  to  the 
mansion  of  the  prince,  from  which  place  each  one  returned  home  with 
whatever  he  recovered.  They  said,  and  devoutly  believed,  that  Ivukulcan 
descended  from  heaven  in  person  on  the  last  day  of  the  feast  and  received 
the  sacrifice,  the  presents,  and  offerings  which  they  made  to  him.  They 
called  this  feast  Chic-Kaban. 

G.  — -The  month  YaxJcin.  During  this  month  they  commenced  to  pre¬ 
pare,  as  was  their  custom,  for  a  general  feast,  which  was  celebrated  in  Mol , 
on  a  day  designated  by  the  priest  in  honor  of  all  the  gods;  they  called  it 
Oloh-Zab-Karn  Yax.  After  the  usual  ceremonies  and  incensing  which  they 
desired  to  do,  they  smeared  with  their  blue  paint  all  the  instruments  of 
every  profession,  from  those  used  by  the  priests  even  to  the  spindles  of  the 
women  and  the  doors  of  their  houses.  On  this  occasion  they  painted  the 
children  of  both  sexes  with  the  same  color;  but,  instead  of  smearing  their 
hands,  they  gave  them  each  nine  gentle  raps  on  their  knuckles,  that  they 
might  be  skillful  in  the  professions  of  their  fathers  and  mothers.  As  for  the 
little  girls,  an  old  woman  brought  them  there,  and  for  this  reason  they 
called  her  Ixmol,  that  is  to  say,  conductress.  The  conclusion  of  this  cere¬ 
mony  was  a  grand  orgy  and  banquet  with  the  offerings  which  they  had 
presented,  although  it  was  understood  that  the  devoted  old  woman  was  not 
permitted  to  become  intoxicated,  lest  she  should  lose  on  the  road  the  plume 
of  her  office. 

H.  — The  month  Mol.  During  this  month  the  apiarists  repeated  the 
feast  which  they  had  celebrated  in  the  month  Tzec ,  in  order  that  the  gods 
might  cause  the  flowers  to  grow  for  the  bees. 


THOMAS.] 


FESTIVALS  HELD  IIST  THE  DIFFERENT  MONTHS. 


223 


One  of  the  things  that  these  wretched  people  regarded  as  the  most 
difficult  and  arduous  was  the  fabrication  of  their  idols  of  wood,  which  they 
called  making  the  gods.  They  had  for  this  a  particular  time,  which  was  this 
month  of  Mol,  or  any  other  if  the  priest  judged  it  proper  to  change  it. 

Those  who  wished  to  have  it  done  consulted  first  the  priest,  and  after 
his  advice  went  to  seek  the  artists  who  occupied  themselves  with  this  pro¬ 
fession;  but,  to  whatever  they  said,  these  artists  alwa}’s  excused  themselves, 
because  they  were  persuaded  that  one  or  another  of  their  house  might  die, 
or  that  it  would  suddenly  bring  upon  them  some  disease  of  the  heart.  When 
they  had  accepted,  the  Cliacs  whom  they  chose  for  this  purpose,  also  the 
priest  and  the  artist,  commenced  to  fast.  In  the  mean  time  those  who  had 
ordered  the  idols  went  in  person  or  sent  a  trusty  person  into  the  wood  to 
cut  down  the  tree  of  which  they  must  be  sculptured,  and  which  was  always 
cedar.  When  the  wood  was  obtained  they  built  a  cabin  of  stubble  well 
closed,  where  they  put  the  wood,  Avith  a  large  urn  for  inclosing  the  idols 
during  the  time  that  they  worked  on  them.  They  offered  incense  to  four 
gods,  called  Acantun ,  the  images  of  which  they  placed  at  the  four  cardinal 
points;  they  took  also  that  which  they  used  for  scarifying  their  ears  and 
drawing  blood  from  them,  and  also  the  instruments  which  they  needed  for 
sculpturing  their  black  divinities.  Prepared  in  this  manner,  the  priest,  the 
Chaos ,  and  the  artist  shut  themselves  up  in  the  hut  and  commenced  the 
sacred  work,  frequently  cutting  themselves,  and  smearing  the  idols  with 
their  blood,  and  burning  incense  before  them.  They  continued  thus  until 
the  work  was  finished,  the  members  of  their  families  carrying  food  to  them 
with  whetever  was  necessary  to  them;  but  they  could  not  during  this  time 
approach  their  witfes,  and  no  one  was  admitted  into  the  place  where  they 
Avere  incarcerated. 

I. — Month  Chen.  According  to  Avhat  they  said,  they  worked  in  great 
fear  Avliile  sculpturing  the  gods.  As  soon  as  the  idols  were  completed  and 
perfected,  those  who  owned  them  gave  to  those  avIio  had  made  them  the 
most  valuable  presents  possible,  of  birds,  of  venison,  and  of  money,  in  order 
to  pay  them  for  their  work.  They  took  the  idols  from  the  cabin  where  they 
had  been  made  and  carried  them  into  another  cabin  made  of  leaves,  erected 


224 


A  STUDY  OF  THE*  MANUSCRIPT  TRO^NO. 


for  this  purpose  in  the  court,  where  the  priest  consecrated  them  with  much 
solemnity  and  fervent  prayers,  the  artists  having  previously  washed  them¬ 
selves  from  the  soot  with  which  they  were  covered  as  a  sign  of  fasting,  they 
said,  for  all  the  time  that  they  were  at  work.  Having  accordingly  driven 
away  the  evil  spirit  and  burnt  the  consecrated  incense,  they  placed  the  new 
images  in  a  flat  basket,  wrapped  in  linen,  and  carried  them  back  to  their 
owner,  who  received  them  with  much  devotion. 

The  priest  then  addressed  the  artists  for  some  time  on  the  excellence  of 
their  profession,  that  of  making  the  new  gods,  and  on  the  danger  they  in¬ 
curred  by  working  without  regarding  the  rules  of  abstinence  and  fasting. 
After  this,  they  partoolc  together  of  an  abundant  repast  and  drank  more 
freely  than  usual. 

K.  — The  month  Yax.  In  one  of  the  two  months  Chen  and  Yax,  which¬ 
ever  was  selected  by  the  priest,  they  celebrated  a  feast  called  Ocna,  which 
means  the  renovation  of  the  temple  in  honor  of  the  Chacs ,  whom  they 
regarded  as  the  gods  of  the  fields.  In  this  feast  they  consulted  the  prog¬ 
nostics  of  the  Bacabs,  which  is  spoken  of  more  at  length  in  chapters  CXIII, 
CX1Y,  CXV,  and  CXYI,  and  after  the  manner  already  mentioned.  This 
feast  was  celebrated  every  year.  Besides,  they  renovated  the  idols  of  baked 
earth  and  their  braziers;  for  it  was  the  custom  that  each  idol  should  have  its 
little  brazier,  in  which  was  burned  their  incense,  and,  if  it  was  found  neces¬ 
sary,  they  built  a  new  house  or  repaired  the  old  one,  taking  care  to  place  on 
the  wall  an  inscription  commemorating  these  things,  written  in  their  char¬ 
acters. 

L.  — The  month  Zac.  On  one  of  the  days  of  the  month  Zac,  designated 
by  the  priest,  the  hunters  celebrated  another  feast  similar  to  that  which  they 
had  celebrated  in  the  month  Zip.  This  took  place  at  this  time  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  appeasing  the  anger  of  the  gods  against  themselves  and  their  de¬ 
scendants,  on  account  of  the  blood  they  had  shed  during  the  chase;,  for 
they  regarded  as  abominable  all  shedding  of  blood  except  in  their  sacri¬ 
fices;  also  they  never  went  to  hunt  without  first  invoking  their  idols  and 
burning  incense  before  them;  and  if  they  afterwards  succeeded,  they 
smeared  their  faces  with  the  blood  of  their  game. 


THOMAS. 1 


FESTIVALS  HELD  IN  THE  DIFFERENT  MONTHS. 


225 


On  another  day,  which  came  on  the  seventh  Ahau,  they  celebrated  a 
very  grand  festival,  which  continued  for  three  days,  with  incense-burning, 
offerings,  and  a  very  respectable  orgy;  but  as  it  was  a  movable  feast  the 
priest  took  care  to  publish  it  in  advance,  in  order  that  each  one  might  keep 
a  fast  according  to  his  duty. 

M. — The  month  Mac.  On  another  day  in  the  month  of  Mac ,  the  old 
people,  and  especially  the  old  men,  celebrated  a  feast  in  honor  of  the  Ghacs , 
the  gods  of  abundance,  and  also  to  Yzamna.  Some  days  before,  they  per¬ 
formed  the  following  ceremony,  called  in  their  language  Tuppkak.  Having 
gathered  together  all  the  animals,  such  as  reptiles  and  beasts  of  the  fields 
which  they  could  find  in  the  country,  they  assembled  in  the  court  of  the  tem¬ 
ple,  the  Chacs ,  and  the  priests  placing  themselves  in  the  corners  in  order  to 
•  expel  the  evil  spirit,  according  to  the  custom,  each  of  them  having  beside  him 
a  pitcher  filled  with  water,  which  was  brought  to  him.  Standing  upright,  in 
the  center,  was  an  enormous  bundle  of  small  dry  wood,  with  which  they 
kindled  a  fire  after  having  thrown  the  incense  into  the  brazier;  while  the 
wood  was  burning,  they  tore  out,  with  emulation,  the  hearts  of  the  animals 
and  birds  and  cast  them  into  the  fire.  If  it  had  been  impossible  to  obtain 
large  animals,  such  as  tigers,  lions,  and  alligators,  they  represented  the 
hearts  of  these  by  incense;  but  if  they  had  them,  they  tore  out  their  hearts 
also  and  put  them  in  the  fire.  As  soon  as  all  the  hearts  were  consumed, 
the  Chacs  extinguished  the  fire  with  the  water  in  the  pitcher. 

The  object  of  this  sacrifice  and  of  the  feast  following  was,  also,  to 
obtain  an  abundance  of  water  for  their  crops  during  the  year.  They  cele¬ 
brated  this  feast,  however,  in  a  different  manner  from  the  others;  for  in 
this  they  did  not  fast,  with  the  exception  of  the  beadle  of  the  confraternity, 
who  performed  penance.  On  the  day  fixed  upon  for  the  celebration,  all 
the  people  assembled  with  the  priest  and  the  officers  in  the  court  of  the 
temple,  where  they  had  erected  a  stone  platform,  with  steps  for  mounting, 
suitably  ornamented  with  leaves.  The  priest  gave  the  incense,  previously 
prepared,  to  the  beadle  who  burned  in  the  brazier  enough  of  it  to  dispel 
the  evil  spirit.  This  done,  with  the  accustomed  devotion,  they  smeared  the 
first  step  of  the  platform  with  mire  from  a  well  or  cistern,  and  the  others 
15  M  T 


226 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


with  the  blue  color;  they  incensed  it  several  times  and  invoked  the  Chacs 
with  prayers  and  ceremonies,  offering  them  many  gifts.  At  the  close,  they 
rejoiced,  eating  and  drinking  the  oblations,  full  of  confidence  in  the  result 
of  their  invocations  for  this  year. 

N.  — The  month  Mucin.  During  the  month  Muan  the  proprietors  of  the 
cacao  plantations  celebrated  a  feast  in  honor  of  the  gods  Pkchuah ,  Chac ,  and 
Hobnil,  who  were  their  patrons.  In  order  to  solemnize  it,  they  went  to  the 
farm  of  one  of  their  number,  where  they  sacrificed  a  dog,  bearing  a  spot  of 
the  color  of  cacao.  They  burnt  incense  before  their  idols,  offering  them 
iguanas — those  which  were  of  a  blue  color;  feathers  of  a  particular  bird; 
also  different  kinds  of  game.  They  gave  to  each  one  of  the  officers  a  branch 
with  the  fruit  of  the  cacao.  The  sacrifice  completed,  they  set  themselves 
to  eating  and  drinking  the  offerings;  but  it  is  said  that  they  permitted  each 
one  to  drink  only  three  cups  of  their  wine,  and  they  could  bring  only  the 
necessary  quantity.  They  then  returned  to  the  house  of  the  one  who  bore 
the  expenses  of  the  feast,  where  they  entertained  themselves  together. 

O.  — The  month  Pax.  In  the  month  Pax  they  celebrated  a  feast  called 
Pacim-Chac ,  on  which  occasion  the  nobles  and  priests  of  the  inferior  bor¬ 
oughs  assembled  with  those  from  the  more  important  villages.  Thus  united 
they  passed  five  nights  in  prayer  in  the  temple  of  Cit-CJiac-Coh,  presenting 
their  sacrifices  with  incense,  as  has  been  seen  at  the  feast  of  Kukulcan  in  the 
month  of  Xul,  in  November.  In  commencing  these  five  days,  they  returned 
together  to  the  house  of  the  general  of  their  armies,  whose  title  was  Nacon, 
of  which  I  have  spoken  in  Chapter  Cl.  They  bore  him  in  great  pomp  to  the 
temple,  burning  incense  before  him  like  an  idol,  where  they  seated  him. 
Thus  they  passed  the  five  days,  eating  and  drinking  the  offerings  which  they 
had  presented  in  the  temple,  and  executing  a  dance  similar  to  a  war  dance, 
to  which  they  gave,  in  their  language,  the  name  of  Holkan-Okot,  which 
means  the  dance  of  the  warriors  When  the  five  days  were  passed  every¬ 
body  came  to  the  feast,  which,  as  it  concerned  the  affairs  of  war  and  hope 
of  obtaining  the  victory,  was  very  solemn. 

It  was  commenced  with  the  ceremonies  and  sacrifices  of  fire,  of  which 
I  have  spoken  in  the  festival  in  the  month  of  Mac.  Then  they  expel  the 
evil  spirit,  as  usual,  which  is  done  with  much  solemnity.  This  finished, 


THOltAS.j 


MODE  OF  BUILDING  HOUSES  I>~  YUCATAN. 


227 


thev  recommenced  their  prayers,  sacrifices,  and  incensing.  While  all  these 
things  were  going  on  the  nobles  and  those  who  had  accompanied  them 
replaced  the  Xacon  on  their  shoulders  and  carried  him  in  procession  around 
the  temple.  On  their  return  the  Chacs  sacrificed  a  dog,  tearing  out  its 
heart,  which  they  presented  to  the  idol,  between  two  plates:  each  .one 
present  then  broke  in  pieces  a  Large  vessel  filled  with  a  drink,  with  which 
the  feast  was  completed.  All  then  ate  and  drank  the  offerings  wific-h  thev 
had  brought,  and,  with  much  solemnity,  but  without  the  usual  incense,  car¬ 
ried  the  Xacon  back  to  his  home. 

There  a  grand  banquet  took  place,  at  which  the  lords,  nobles,  and 
priests  became  intoxicated  in  the  effort  to  excel  each  other  in  drinking-,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Xacon ,  who  remained  sober,  the  crowd  in  the  mean 
time  returning  to  then  homes.  The  next  day.  after  they  had  slept  them¬ 
selves  sober,  the  nobles  and  priests,  who  had  remained  at  the  mansion  of 
the  general  after  the  orgy,  received  from  his  hand  large  presents  of  incense 
which  he  had  prepared  for  this  purpose  and  caused  to  be  consecrated  bv  the 
holy  priests. 

At  this  reunion  he  addressed  them  in  a  long  discourse,  and  eamestlv 
recommended  to  them  the  feasts  which  they  should  celebrate  in  honor  of  the 
gods,  in  their  towns,  in  order  to  obtain  a  prosperous  and  abundant  year. 
When  the  lecture  was  finished  all  took  leave  of  each  other  with  much  affec¬ 
tion  and  noise,  and  each  one  took  the  road  for  his  village  and  home. 

There  they  occupied  themselves  with  the  celebration  of  their  feasts, 
which  sometimes  lasted,  according  to  circumstances,  until  the  month  of  Pop. 
Thev  gave  to  these  feasts  the  name  of  Zabaeil-Than .  and  they  were  cele¬ 
brated  in  the  following  manner:  They  sought  in  the  commune  those  who. 
being  the  richest,  were  the  most  able  to  bear  the  expense  of  the  feast,  and 

requested  them  to  fix  upon  a  day.  because  they  had  more  of . 

during  these  three  months  which  remained  until  the  natural  year.  What 
thev  then  did  was  to  assemble  at  the  mansion  of  the  one  who  celebrated 
the  feast,  after  having  performed  the  ceremony  of  dispelling  the  evil  spirit. 
They  burnt  copal  and  presented  offerings  with  rejoicings  and  dances,  after 
which  they  drank  some  wine,  which  last  was  always  the  main  point  of  the 
feast.  Such  were  the  excesses  in  which  they  indulged  themselves  during 


228 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


these  three  months,  which  it  was  painful  to  see;  some  departing  covered 
with  wounds  or  bruises,  others  with  their  eyes  inflamed  with  the  quantity 
of  liquor  which  they  had  imbibed,  and  with  this  passion  for  drink  they 
ruined  themselves  entirely. 

P. — It  has  been  said,  in  the  preceding  chapters,  that  the  Indians  com¬ 
menced  their  years  with  days  without  names,  preparing  in  the  villages  for 
the  celebration  of  the  feast  of  the  new  year.  Besides  the  feast  which  they 
made  to  the  god  U-uayeyab ,  by  right  of  which  alone  they  went  out  from 
home,  they  solemnized  especially  these  five  days,  seldom  quitting  their 
houses,  except  to  present,  besides  the  offerings  made  in  public,  different 
trifles  to  their  gods  in  the  other  temples.  They  never  afterwards  employed, 
for  their  particular  use,  the  bagatelles  which  they  offered  to  the  idols,  but 
they  bought  the  incense  which  they  burned  with  it.  They  neither  combed 
nor  washed  themselves  during  these  days;  neither  men  nor  women  cleansed 
themselves.  They  did  not  do  any  servile  or  fatiguing  work,  for  fear  that 
some  misfortune  might  befall  them. 


APPENDIX  NO.  4. 

Manera  de  las  casas  en  Yucatan.1 

Que  la  manera  dehazer  |as  casas  era  cubrirlas  de  paja  que  tienen  muy 
buena  y  mucha,  o  con  hojas  de  palma  que  es  propia  para  esto  y  que  tenian 
muy  grandes  corrientes  para  que  no  se  lluevan,  y  que  clespues  echan  una 
pared  por  medio  al  largo  que  divide  toda  la  casa,  y  que  en  esta  pared  dexan 
algunas  paertas  para  la  mitad  que  Hainan  las  espaldas  de  la  casa,  donde 
tienen  sus  camas,  y  que  la  otra  mitad  blanquean  de  muy  gentil  encalado,  y 
que  los  senores  las  tienen  pintadas  de  muchas  galanterias  y  que  esta  mitad 
es  el  recebimiento  y  aposento  de  los  guespedes,  y  que  esta  pie9a  no  tiene 
puerta,  sino  toda  abierta  conforme  al  largo  de  la  casa,  y  baxa  mucho  la 
corriente  delantera  por  temor  de  los  soles  y  aguas,  y  dizen  que  tambien  para 
ensenorearse  de  los  enemigos  de  la  parte  de  dentro  en  tiempo  de  necessitad. 
Y  que  el  pueblo  menudo  hazia  a  su  costa  las  casas  de  los  senores,  y  que  con 


Mode  of  building  houses  among  the  Yucatecs,  Landa,  sec.  xx,  p.  110. 


TT.IOMAS.  | 


MODE  OF  BAPTISM  IN  YUCATAN. 


229 


no  tener  mas  puertas,  tenian  por  grave  delicto  de  liazer  mal  a  casas  agenas. 
Tenian  una  portezilla  atras  para  el  servicio  necessari.o  y  qne  tienen  unas 
camas  de  varillas,  y  en  cima  una  serilla  donde  duermen,  cubiertas  de  sus 
mantas  de  algodon:  en  verano  duermen  comunmente  en  los  encalados  con 
una  de  aquellas  serillas,  especialmente  los  hombres  Allende  de  la  casa  hazian 
todo  el  pueblo  a  los  seilores  sus  sementeras,  y  se  las  beneficiavan  y  cogian 
en  cantidad  que  le  bastava  a  el  y  a  su  casa,  y  quando  avia  ca<jas  o  pescas,  o 
era  tiempo  de  traer  sal  siempre  davan  parte  al  senor,  por  que  estas  cosas  siem- 
pre  las  hazian  de  comunidad. 


APPENDIX  NO.  5. 

Modo  de  bautismo  en  Yucatan.1 

Tenian  pues  esta  eostumbre  para  venir  a  liazer  los  baptismos,  que 
criavan  las  indias  los  niilos  hasta  edad  de  tres  anos,  y  a  los  varoncillos 
usavanles  siempre  poner  pegada  a  la  cabeija  en  los  cabellos  de  la  coronilla 
una  contezuela  blanca,  y  a  las  muchachas  traian  cenidas  por  las  senes  muy 
abaxo  con  un  cordel  delgado  y  en  el  una  concliuela  asida  que  les  venia  a 
dar  encima  de  la  parte  lionesto  y  destas  dos  cosas  era  entre  ellos  peccado  y 
cosa  muy  fea  quitarla  de  las  mochachas  antes  del  baptismo,  el  qual  les  davan 
siempre  desde  edad  de  tres  anos  hasta  doze  y  nunca  se  casavan  antes  del 
baptismo. 

Quando  alguno  avia  que  quisiesse  baptizar  su  hijo,  iva  al  sacerdote  y 
da  vale  parte  de  su  intento,  el  qual  publicava  por  el  pueblo  el  baptismo,  y  el 
dia  en  que  lo  hazia,  el  qual  ellos  miravan  siempre  no  fuesse  aciago. 

Esto  hecho  el  que  hazia  la  fiesta  que  era  el  que  movia  la  platica,  elegia 
un  principal  del  pueblo  a  su  gusto  para  que  le  ayudasse  a  su  negocio  y  las 
cosas  del.  Despues  tenian  de  eostumbre  elegir  a  otros  quatro  hombres 
ancianos  y  honrados  que  ayudessen  al  sacerdote  el  dia  de  la  fiesta  a  las  ceri- 
monias,  y  estos  elegian  juntamente  a  su  gusto  con  el  sacerdote.  Y  en  estas 
elecciones  entendian  siempre  los  padres  de  todos  los  ninos  que  avia  que  bap- 

1  Manner  of  l>ai)tism  iu  Yucatau. — Lauda,  $  xxvi,  p.  144.  Original. 


230 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TEOANO. 


tizar,  ca  de  todos  era  tambien  la  fiesta  y  llamavanlos  a  estos  que  escogian 
cliaces.  Tres  dias  antes  de  la  fiesta  ayunavan  los  padres  de  los  mochacbos 
y  los  officiales,  abstiniendose  de  las  mugeres. 

El  dia  juntavanse  todos  en  casa  del  que  bazia  la  fiesta  y  lie va van  los 
ninos  todos  que  avian  de  baptizar,  a  los  quales  ponian  en  el  patio  o  placa 
de  la  casa,  que  limpio  y  sembrado  de  bojas  frescas  le  tenian  por  orden  en 
rengla  los  varones  por  si  y  las  ninas  por  si,  ponian  les  como  padrinos  una 
muger  anciana  a  las  ninas,  y  a  los  ninos  un  bombre  que  los  tuviessen  a 
cargo. 

Esto  lieclio  tratava  el  sacerdote  de  la  purificacion  de  la  posada,  becban- 
do  al  demonio  della.  Para  ecbarlo  ponian  quatro  vanquillos  en  las  quatro 
esquinas  del  patio  en  los  quales  se  sentavan  los  quatro  cliaces  con  un  cord  el 
largo  asido  de  uno  a  otro,  de  man  era  que  quedavan  los  niilos  acorralados  en 
medio  a  dentro  del  cordel,  despues  pasando  sobre  el  cordel  avian  de  entrar 
todos  los  padres  de  los  niilos  que  avian  ayunado  dentro  del  circuito.  Des¬ 
pues  o  antes  ponian  en  medio  otro  vanquillo  donde  el  sacerdote  se  sentava 
con  un  brasero,  y  un  poco  de  maiz  molido  y  de  su  encienso.  Alii  venian 
los  ninos  y  ninas  por  orden  y  ecbavales  el  sacerdote  un  poco  de  maiz  molido 
y  del  encienso  en  la  mano,  y  ellos  en  el  brasero;  y  ansi  liazian  todos,  y  estos 
saumerios  acabados,  tomavan  el  brasero  en  que  los  liazian,  y  el  cordel  con 
que  los  cbaces  los  tenian  cercados  y  ecbavan  en  un  vaso  un  poco  de  vino  y 
davan  lo  todo  a  un  indio  que  lo  llevasse  fuera  del  pueblo,  avisandole  no 
beviesse  ni  mirass  atras  a  la  buelta  y  con  esto  dezian  quedava  el  demonio 
ecliado. 

El  qual  assi  ido  verrian  el  patio  y  limpiavanlo  de  las  bojas  del  arbol 
que  tenia  que  se  dize  ciliom  y  ecbavan  otras  de  otro  que  Hainan  copo ,  y 
ponian  unas  seras  en  tanto  que  el  sacerdote  se  vestia.  Yestido  salia  con  un 
jaco  de  pluma  Colorado  y  labrado  de  otras  plumas  de  colores,  y  que  le 
cuelgan  de  los  extremos  otras  plumas  largas  y  una  como  coroza  en  la  cabeija 
de  las  mesmas  plumas,  y  debaxo  del  jaco  mucbos  listones  de  algodon  liasta 
el  suelo  como  colas,  y  con  un  isopo  en  la  mano  de  unpalo  corto  muy  labra¬ 
do,  y  por  barbas  o  pelos  del  isopo  ciertas  colas  de  unas  culebras  que  son 
como  caxcaveles,  y  con  no  mas  ni  menos  gravedad  que  ternia  un  papa  para 
coronar  un  emperador,  que  cosa  era  notable  la  serenidad  que  les  causavan 


TI10MAS.] 


MODE  OF  BAPTISM  IN  YUCATAN. 


231 


los  aparejos.  Los  chaces  ivan  luego  a  los  ninos  y  ponian  a  todos  sendos 
panos  blancos  en  las  cabe<jas  que  sus  madres  para  aquello  traian.  Pregun- 
tavan  a  los  que  eran  grandecillos  si  avian  liecho  algun  peccado  y  tocamiento 
feo,  y  si  lo  avian  liecho  confessavanlo,  y  separavanlos  4b  los  otros. 

Esto  liecho  mandava  el  sacerdote  callar  y  sentar  la  gente,  y  comemjava 
el  a  bendezir  con  muchas  oraciones  a  los  mochachos,  y  a  santiguarlos  con 
su  isopo,  y  con  raucha  serenidad.  Acabada  su  bendicion  se  sentava  y  se 
levantava  el  principal  que  avian  los  padres  de  los  mochachos  elegido  para 
esta  fiesta,  y  con  un  guesso  que  el  sacerdote  le  dava  iva  a  los  mochachos  y 
amagava  a  cada  uno  por  si  nueve  vezes  con  el  guesso  en  que  la  frente; 
despues  mojavale  en  un  vaso  de  una  agua  llevava  en  la  mano,  y  untavales 
la  frente,  y  las  faciones  del  rostro  y  entre  los  dedos  de  los  piez  y  los  de  las 
manos  a  todos  sin  hablar  palabra.  Esta  agua  hazian  de  ciertas  flores  y 
de  cacao  mojado  y  desleido  con  agua  virgen  que  ellos  dezian  traida  de 
los  concavos  de  los  arboles  o  de  los  monies. 

Acabada  esta  unctura  se  levantava  el  sacerdote  y  les  quitava  los  panos 
blancos  de  la  cabe9a  y  otros  que  tenian  colgados  a  las  espaldas  en  que  cada 
uno  traia  atadas  unas  pocas  de  plumas  de  un  paxaro  muy  hermoso  y  algunos 
cacaos,  lo  qual  todo  recogia  uno  de  los  chaces,  y  luego  el  sacerdote  les  c-or- 
tava  a  los  ninos  con  una  navaja  de  piedra  la  cuenta  que  avian  traido  pegada 
en  la  cabe^a;  tras  esto  ivan  los  demas  ayudantes  del  sacerdote  con  un 
manojo  de  flores  y  un  liuma^o  que  los  indios  usan  chupar;  y  amagavan  con 
cada  uno  dellos  nueve  vezes  a  cada  mochacho,  3^  despues  davanle  a  olerlas 
flores  y  a  chupar  el  huma^o.  Despues  recogian  los  presents  que  las  madres 
traian  y  davan  dellos  a  cada  mochacho  un  poco  para  comer  alii,  ca  de  comida 
eran  los  presentes,  y  tomavan  un  buen  vaso  de  vino  y  presto  en  medio 
ofrecianlo  a  los  dioses  y  con  devotas  plegarias  les  rogavan  recibiessen  aquel 
don  pequeno  de  aquellos  mochachos,  y  llamando  otro  oficial  que  les  ayudava 
que  llamavan  Cayom  davanse  lo  que  lo  beviesse,  lo  qual  hazia  sin  descamjar 
que  diz  que  era  peccado. 

[Translation.] 

Manner  of  baptism  in  Yucatan } 

This  is  the  custom  which  the3r  bad  for  preparing  them  for  baptism: 
The  women  were  directed  to  raise  the  children  to  the  age  of  three  years, 


Sec.  XXVI,  page  14r>. 


232 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


putting1  on  the  head  of  the  little  boys  something  white,  fastened  among  the 
locks  at  the  back  part  of  the  head;  as  to  the  little  girls,  they  wore  hanging 
down  from  the  girdle  a  very  slender  cord,  to  which  a  small  shell  was 
attached,  which  happened  to  be  found  placed  exactly  above  the  sexual 
parts.  It  was  regarded  as  a  great  fault  and  a  very  wrong  action  to  remove 
these  things  from  the  little  girls  before  their  baptism,  which  was  always 
administered  between  three  and  twelve  years,  and  they  were  never  married 
before.  When  any  one  desired  to  have  his  child  baptized,  he  went  to  the 
priest  and  communicated  his  intention  to  him;  the  priest  published  the  bap¬ 
tism  throughout  the  community,  taking  care  always  that  the  ceremony 
should  not  fall  on  an  unlucky  day.  This  done,  he  avIio  had  made  the  propo¬ 
sition,  and  who  consequently  took  charge  of  the  feast,  chose  at  his  fancy 
one  of  the  chief  men  of  the  place,  in  order  to  aid  him  in  all  that  had  refer¬ 
ence  to  it.  After  that  it  was  the  custom  to  choose  still  four  others  from 
among  the  oldest  and  most  honorable,  who  assisted  the  priest  in  his  duties 
on  the  day  of  the  feast.  This  choice  was  always  made  with  the  consent  ot 
the  priest  himself.  The  fathers  of  all  the  infants  to  be  baptized  had  an 
equal  part  in  this  election,  for  the  feast  was  a  resort  for  all.  To  those  who 
had  been  chosen  to  accompany  the  priest  they  gave  the  title  of  Chac. 
During  the  three  days  preceding  the  ceremony  the  fathers  of  the  children, 
as  well  as  these  officers,  abstained  from  intercourse  with  their  wives. 

On  the  day  designated  all  assembled  at  the  house  of  him  who  gave  the 
feast,  bringing  with  them  the  children  to  be  baptized.  They  ranged  them 
in  the  court  or  a  place  in  the  house,  which  had  been  swept  and  ornamented 
with  leaves;  the  boys  placed  themselves  on  one  side,  under  the  charge  of  a 
man  who  filled  the  office  of  godfather  in  regard  to  them;  and  on  the  other 
side  the  girls,  to  whom  they  appointed  a  matron  to  take  care  of  them  When 
this  was  completed  the  priest  busied  himself  with  purifying  the  house,  dis¬ 
pelling  the  evil  spirit  from  the  place.  For  this  purpose  they  placed  a  small 
bench  at  the  four  corners  of  the  court;  the  four  Chacs  seated  themselves, 
stretching  a  cord  from  one  to  the  other  in  such  a  manner  that  the  children 
remained  in  some  sort  confined  in  the  center,  after  which  the  fathers  all 
together,  who  had  observed  the  fast  until  this  time,  passed  the  cord  to  enter 
into  the  inclosure.  In  the  center  there  was  another  bench,  where  the  priest 
was  seated,  having  beside  a  brazier  with  bruised  maize  and  incense. 


THOMAS.] 


MODE  OF  BAPTISM  IN  YUCATAN. 


233 


The  little  boys  and  girls  approached  in  order,  and  the  priest  placed  in 

their  hands  some  maize  and  incense,  which  they  threw  one  by  one  into  the 

brazier.  This  finished  and  the  incensing  being  terminated,  they  raised  the 

brazier  and  the  cord  with  which  the  Chacs  had  formed  the  inclosure.  They 

* 

poured  a  little  wine  into  a  vase  or  vessel,  which  they  gave,  with  these  things, 
to  a  man  to  carry  out  of  the  village,  and  charged  him  especially  not  to 
drink  the  wine  and  not  to  look  behind  him  on  his  return  *  In  this  manner 
the  evil  spirit  was  said  to  be  dispelled. 

The  yard  was  then  swept  and  decorated  with  leaves  which  were  found 
there,  and  were  the  leaves  of  a  tree  called  cihom;  they  substituted  them  with 
others  of  a  tree  called  copo,  and  stretched  some  mats,  during  which  time 
the  priest  changed  his  clothes.  He  appeared  soon  after,  clothed  in  a  tunic 
of  red  feathers,  worked  with  other  feathers  of  different  colors,  and  from 
which  hung  other  feathers  still  finer;  also,  underneath,  a  large  quantity  of 
ribbons  of  cotton,  which  hung  down  to  the  ground.  On  his  head  he  wore 
a  kind  of  miter,  embroidered  with  plumage  in  the  same  manner,  and  in  his 
hand  a  small  holy-water  sprinkler  of  wood,  carved  skillfully,  of  which  the 
filaments  were  of  the  tails  of  serpents,  similar  to  serpents  with  rattles.  He 
came  out  thus,  having  neither  more  nor  less  gravity  than  a  pope  would  have 
in  crowning  an  emperor;  and  it  is  a  remarkable  thing  to  see  the  serenity 
which  all  this  apparel  gave  him. 

The  Chacs  immediately  advanced  towards  the  children  and  placed 
white  linen  cloths,  wdiich  their  mothers  had  brought  for  this  purpose,  on 
their  heads.  They  then  asked  the  oldest  if  they  had  committed  no  wrong  or 
immodest  action ;  and  if  they  had  they  confessed  and  were  separated  from  the 
rest.  This  done,  the  priest  commanded  all  to  seat  themselves  and  be  silent; 
he  then  began  to  bless  the  children  with  certain  prayers  and  to  consecrate 
them  with  the  holy  water,  with  much  dignity.  The  benediction  finished,  he 
sat  down.  The  one  chosen  by  the  fathers  of  the  infants  to  aid  especially 
in  this  ceremony,  then  rose,  and,  armed  with  a  bone,  which  the  priest  gave 
him,  he  went  to  each  child  and  passed  it  in  front  of  him  nine  times;  he  then 
dipped  it  in  a  vessel  of  water  which  he  carried  in  his  hand  and  anointed  them 
on  the  forehead  and  face,  also  the  interstices  of  the  fingers  and  toes,  without 
saying  a  single  word.  This  water  was  composed  of  certain  flowers  and 


234 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPT  TROANO. 


cacao  soaked  and  diluted  in  the  pure  water  which  they  said  sprang  from 
cavities  in  the  woods  or  mountains. 

After  this  anointing  the  priest  rose;  he  took  from  their  heads  the  white 
cloths  which  had  been  placed  on  them,  also  others  which  they  had  on  their 
shoulders,  where  each  one  wore  some  feathers  of  a  very  beautiful  bird  and 
some  grains  of  cacao.  One  of  the  Chacs  collected  these  things,  after  which 
the  priest  cut  off  from  the  heads  of  the  little  boys  that  which  they  wore 
fastened  on  them  with  a  stone  knife.  Behind  the  priest  walked  his  other 
assistant,  a  bouquet,  of  flowers  in  his  hand,  with  a  pipe  with  perfume,  which 
the  Indians  were  accustomed  to  smoke;  they  made  nine  passes  with  it 
before  each  child  and  then  gave  them  one  by  one  the  flowers  to  smell  and 
the  pipe  to  smoke.  They  then  collected  the  presents  which  the  mothers  had 
brought,  and  gave  a  little  food  to  the  children,  the  same  amount  to  each 
infant,  for  these  presents  consisted  of  eatables.  They  took  one  large  bowl 
filled  with  wine  and  hastily  offered  it  to  the  gods,  conjuring  them  with 
words  of  devotion  to  accept  of  this  feeble  homage  on  the  part  of  the  chil¬ 
dren;  then  calling  another  officer,  whose  title  was  Cayom ,  the}’  gave  him 
the  vessel,  which  he  must  empty  at  a  draught;  for  him  to  stop  to  take 
breath  would  have  been  wrong. 


INDEX 


Page. 

Aguilar,  Don  Pedro  Sanchez  de,  on  Maya  manuscript.  xxi 

Ahau  or  Katun  .  5, 14 

the  number  of  years  in  an .  28-32 

Aliau-Katun  or  grand  cycle .  5 

the  first  year  of  an .  32 

Ahaues,  location  of  the,  in  grand  cycle .  26-28 

Ahbuluc  balam  (Maya  deity) .  66,  94 

Alican  Uolcab  (Maya  deity) .  66,  94 

Ahkul-Chel,  prophecy  of .  xxix 

Ajpula,  date  of  death  of . 13, 32, 49,  50,  51 

Allen,  Harrison,  on  Lauda’s  alphabet .  xxxv 

Armadillo .  97 

symbol .  15, 145 

Bacab-Canzienal  (deity) .  63 

Hobnil  (deity) .  61 

zac-ciui  (deity) .  64 

Bancroft,  omission  by,  in  translation . .  55 

Baptism,  mode  of,  original  from  Landa .  228-23  L 

translation .  231-233 

Birdcage .  134 

Bissextile  years  in  the  Maya  system .  iv 

Black  numerals,  use  of  the . 21,  24 

indicate  the  month .  23 

Bolloert,  William,  efforts  at  translating .  xxxiv 

B  jlon-zacab  (Maya  deity) .  60,  09 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  in  reference  to  the  length  of 

the  Ahau  .  193 

efforts  at  translating  the 

manuscript  Troano .  xxxiv 

Bread  symbol . 80,  81, 156 

Brinton,  D.  G .  xvii 

Calendar  Maya .  5 

condensed  (Table  V) .  11 

for  ond  year  (Table  II) .  8 

wheel,  figure  of  the .  127 

Cardinal  points  assigned  the  years .  41 

Dominical  days  assigned  to .  68 

Maya  words  for  the .  74 

symbols  of  the . . 70,  74, 144 

Cauac  year,  sacrifices  at  the  commencement  of  the..  65 

Chac .  . 77,  87, 101, 104 

Chacaneantun  or  Chac  Acantun  (deity) .  62,  63 

Chac-u-Uayeyab  (Maya  deity) . 62, 81,  82 

Chaleliibuitlicue  (Mexican  goddess) . ,  102 

Characters  of  the  manuscript  compared  with  Landa’s .  2 

Charency,  Hyacintho  de,  efforts  at  translating .  xxxiv 

Chen,  festivals  in  the  month  .  223 

Chiapan  (or  Tzendal)  and  Soconuscan  calendar .  198 

Chicchae-chob  (deity) . 66,94, 101 

Chichen-Itza  . . , .  194,197 

Chilan  Balam,  prophecy  of .  195 

Cigar .  135 

Cimi,  unusual  character  of .  16 

Clavirgero,  concerning  bees .  115 


Page. 


Codex  Cortesianus .  20 

Dresden . xxx,  xxxvi,  25, 41,  42,  67, 68,  71, 78, 85,  89 

Peresianus . J . xxxii,  20 

Troano .  xxxii 

Tro .  xxxii 

Coguliudo,  Diaz  Lopez,  on  Maya  characters .  xxiii 

concemingdate  of  destruction  of  Mayapan  48 

in  reference  to  cardinal  point3  assigned 

the  years .  69 

Colebil-xbolon-chac  (goddess  of  the  apiarists) .  117 

Conclusions .  51 

Cross . - .  117 

Cyclo . 5,10, 32, 35 

Dance  on  high  stilts .  79 

Dates,  discussion  of,  with  special  reference  to  those 

of  the  Perez  manuscript . .  187-197 

method  of  giving .  ..  13 

Day  characters .  3,  5 

Days,  method  of  numbering  the .  3-7 

Diaz,  Bernal,  in  refercnco  to  implements  of  warfare..  127 

Dog  images  used  in  dances .  79 

Dresden  Codex . xxx,  xxxvi,  25, 41, 42, 67, 68, 71,  78,  85,  89 

reference  to  four  plates  of  the .  56 

Ek-balam-chac  (deity) .  C6,  94 

Ekel  Acantun  (deity) .  .66 

Ek-u-Uayeyab  (deity) . 65,81,82 

Etel-ceh,  ancient  namo  of  Yucatan .  98 

Pan  or  bat . 134 

Festivals  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  Cauac. .  65, 214 

lx .  63, 212 

Kan  ...  59,209 

Muluc  .  62, 211 

of  the  different  months,  translated  from 

Landa,  Appondix  Ho.  3 . 216-227 

in  the  month  Chen .  223 

Mac .  224 

Mol .  222 

Muan .  225 

Pax .  225 

9  Pop . .  216 

Tzec .  220 

Tzoz .  220 

Ho .  218 

Xul .  220 

Tax .  223 

Yaxkin .  221 

Zac .  224 

Zip .  219 

of  tbo  supplementary  days  . .  41,  59,  67,  208-215,  227 

Figures  and  characters,  explanation  of .  59 

suggestions  as  to  the  meaning  of  certain. . . .  93 

Foot-prints .  125 

Forsterman,  Dr.,  on  the  Dresden  Cordex .  xxxvi 

God  of  death . 77 


235 


236 


INDEX. 


Page. 

Grand  cycle  or  Ahau-Katnn . . .  28-32 

Grand  cycles  compared  with  years  of  the  Christian 

era . - . . . 193, 166 

Graphic  system,  the .  xviii 

Herrera  in  referonco  to  Chichen-Itza . .  194 

Mayapan .  192 

Tucatec  implements  of  war¬ 
fare  .  126 

Holden,  Edward  S.,  on  Central- Amorican  picture- 

writing  .  xxxvi 

tho  Hoyden  stone .  104 

Honey  symbol  . .  117, 127 

House  symbols  or  figures . , .  128, 131 

Houses,  method  of  building,  from  Landa,  original  . . .  227 

translation.  129 

Huitzilopoctli  (Mexican  god)  .  104-106 

linix  or  Ymix,  proha  ly  a  symbol  of  maize .  80 

Implement  (use  unknown) .  133 

Indication,  or  week  of  years .  9 

Interpretation  of  characters .  146, 161 

Intervals  between  days  in  day  columns .  15,  24 

Introduction . . xvii-xxxvii 

Itzamna  (Zamna) .  81-82 

Itzen-caan  (a  name  of  Zamna) .  81 

lx  year,  festivals  at  the  commencement  of  tho .  63 

lx  Iran  Leox  (female  divinity)  - .  81 

lx  mol  (decs) . 106 

Kan  character  a  symbol  of  maize .  157 

Kan  symbol  as  used  in  Plates  XX-XXIII .  88 

Kan  year,  festivals  at  the  commencement  of  tho .  59 

Kanal  Aeantum  (Maya  deity)  . 60 

Kan-u-Uayeyab  (Maya  deity) . 61, 69,  72,  81,  82 

Katun . 14,  52 

Perez’s  explanation  of  tho  term .  90 

Katunes,  method  of  numbering  the .  14 

Kilt,  symbol  for  .  92 

Kinch-Ahau  (Maya  deity) .  62,  84 

Itzamna  or  Yzamna  (Maya  deity) .  65,  84 

Kuculcan .  81,  82 

Landa,  concerning  tho  festivals  of  tho  bee-keepers  . .  116 

Diego  de,  on  Maya  writing .  xxiv 

in  reference  to  cardinal  points .  69 

to  Yucateo  implements  of  war¬ 
fare  .  127 

Landa’s  characters  compared  with  those  of  the 

manuscript .  2 

“Eelacion  de  Cosas,”  quoted .  47,  52 

Leg  of  venison,  character  for  a .  76 

List  of  days  for  one  month,  Table  I .  8 

of  illustrations .  xiii 

Lizana,  Bernardo  de,  on  Maya  characters .  xxi 

Lustre .  56 

Mac,  festivals  of  the  month . 224 

Machete  or  hatchet  . .  125 

Manufacture  of  idols . 119, 120, 132 

Manuscript  TToano  and  its  character .  1 

found  byBrasscurdeBourbourg-  1 

named  for  Don  Juan  de  Tro  y  Or- 

tolano . 1 

fac  simile  edition .  1 

paging  of  the .  2 

Martyr,  Peter,  description  of  Maya  manuscripts .  xix 

Matting .  134 

Maya  alphabet,  Landa’s .  141 

books .  xxviii 

calendar .  5 


Page. 

Maya  dates  compared  with  those  of  the  Christian  era.  47 

days  . . . • . .  5 

months .  6 

Mayapan . .  - . . . . . 191, 193, 197 

dato  of  destruction  of .  48,  51 

Melgar,  Senor,  quotation  from .  215 

Method  of  snaring  game . . . .  97 

Mexican  symbol  for  day  and  year .  72 

Mimosaleaf  . . . 134 

Mol,  festival  of  the  month  .  222 

Month  characters  .  6 

Mortars,  figures  of .  127 

Muan,  festival  of  tho  month .  225 

Muluo  year,  festivals  at  tho  commencement  of  tho. . .  211 

Nahan  Pech,  prophecy  of . .  194, 195 

Humoral  characters .  3,17 

N  umerals,  black .  21,  24 

red .  19,  26 

Paint-pots  . , .  127 

Paienquo  tablet .  198,208 

explanation  of  certain  characters 

on  the .  204,  207 

four  characters  by  the  cross .  203 

order  in  which  the  inscr  iption  is  to 

be  read .  200,202 

signification  of  lines  and  dots  on  tho  202 

Pax,  festival  of  the  month .  225 

Peresianus,  Codex . xxxii,  20 

Perez,  Senor,  quoted . . .  48,  55 

Cronologia  antigua  .  34 

in  r  eference  to  cardinal  points  . .  68 

manuscript. .  . 13,  30,  32,  43 

discussed  with  reference  to 

dates .  187,197 

original  Maya  of  the .  188 

translation  of  tho .  189 

Dr.  Valentini  on  tho .  30 

Phonetic?  aro  these  characters .  140,148 

Plate  III,  explanation  of  figures  on .  94 

VI,  explanation  of  figures  on .  95 

VII,  explanation  of  figures  on  .  96 

XIII,  explanation  of  figures  on . . .  31 

VIII-XIX,  explanation  of  figures  on  _ ...  97-101 

XX-XXIII,  numbers  on .  18-19 

XXIV-XXVIII,  explanation  of  figures  on  . ..  101-107 
XXIX-XXXII1,  explanation  of  figures  on  ..  108-111 

I*-IX*,  explanation  of  figures  on .  114-118 

XIP-XVII*,  explanation  of  figures  on .  119-120 

XVIII  -XXI,  explanation  of  figirres  on .  121 

XXIP-XXV’",  explanation  of  figures  on .  122 

Pop,  festival  of  the  month .  216 

Quetzalcoatl .  82 

Quicho  and  Cakehiquel  calendar . . .  198 

Kains  and  storms,  representation  of .  101, 107 

Kau,  Charles,  on  Palenque  tablet .  xxxv 

index  diagram  to  the  Palenque  tablet.  199 

Eed  numerals,  explanation  of .  ,1 9-26 

Kesults  of  my  investigations .  v 

Kope-making  or  weaving .  118, 131 

Kosny,  Leon  de,  essay  on  decipherment  of  Central- 

American  picture-writing  .  xxxv 

Schultz-Sellac,  Dr.  Carl,  on  Dresden  Codex .  xxxvi 

Serpent  as  a  symbol .  84,  86 

Spanish  writers,  description  of  MSS.  by .  xix 

Spear .  126 

St.  Andrew’s  cross .  18 


INDEX. 


237 


Stephens  in  referenco  to  preserving  hones  of  the 

dead . - . 

Stephens’  Yucatan  . . 

Stone  s,\  mbol . . . 

Supplemental  days,  feasts  of  the . 41,  59,  C7,  208- 

Taih.e  II  — Maya  calendar  for  one  year . 

III.  — Xan  tablo  of  years . 

IV.  — Cauac  tablo  of  years . 

V. — Condensed  Maya  calendar . 

VI.— Of  years  . . 

VII.— Of  years . 

VIII.— Of  years . 

IX. — Of  years . 

X. — Of  years . 

XI. — Years  of  an  Ahau  with  names  of 

the  years  . 

XII. — Years  of  an  Ahau  . . . 

XIII,  XIV,  XV. — Years  of  period  desig¬ 
nated  by  Plates  XX-XXIII 
XVI. — Group  of  years  derived  from  dates 

on  Plate  XXXI . 

XVII. — Locating  the  Ahaues  in  the  grand 

cycle . 

XVIII. — Locating  the  Ahaues  in  the  grand 

cycle . 

XIX. — Locating  the  Ahaues  in  the  grand 

cycle . 

XX.  —Extended  list  of  years  of  8th,  0th, 

and  4th  Ahaues . 

XXI.— Gr  and  cycle  of  years . 

XXII.  — Grand  cycle  of  years . . 

XXIII. — One  cycle  of  years . 

Tablo  of  contents . 


Page. 

Tapestry  or  curtains . - .  134 

Title  page  of  the  manuscript .  Ill 

Tlnloc  (deity) .  105, 100 

Tzec,  festival  in  the  month .  220 

Tzoz,  festival  in  the  month .  220 

Uac-Mitun-Aliau  (deity) .  05 

Ua  Katun,  a  key  to  find  the  Katunes .  19,  55 

TTayeb-haab .  -  - . . 50, 57,  70,  87 

TJayeyab  idols . 70, 81,  82 

Uo,  festival  in  the  month .  218 

Valentini,  Philipp  J.  .1.,  on  Landa’s  alphabet .  xxv 

Dr.,  on  the  Perez  manuscript .  30 

Vase  character,  or  symbol .  88, 145 

Villagutierrie,  Don  Juan  de,  on  Maya  books .  xxiii 

Week,  the  . ■ .  7 

of  years . 9 

Wood  symbol  — .  134 

Written  characters .  130, 101 

Xnuc,  Yucatec  goddess .  103, 10G 

Xul,  festival  of  tho  month .  220 

Yax,  festival  in  the  month .  223 

Yaxkin,  festival  in  the  month .  221 

Yax-coc-Ahmut  (deity)  .  03, 79 

Year  bearers . . .  11 

Years  assigned  to  cardinal  points . 41 

method  of  naming  and  numbering  the .  9 

Yzamna . 1 . . .  04 

-cauil  (deity) .  01 

Zac,  festival  in  the  month .  224 

Zae-Acantun  (deity) .  04 

Zac-u-Uayeyab  (deity) . 04 

Zamna .  81,82 

Zip,  festival  in  the  month . 219 


Page. 

88 

13 

74, 144 

-215,  227 

8 

9 

9 

11 

18 

18 

24 

25 

27 

33 

34 

35 

38 

44 

45 

40 

49 

53 

54 

50 

xi 


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